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With a Foreword by FATHER JOHN A. VBKIEN 


i957 by Philip Friedman 
Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: 57-8773 

Manufactured in the United States of America 
American Book-Stratford Press, Inc., New York 






3. FRANCE 43 






Czechoslovakia 101 

Yugoslavia 104 

Bulgaria 104 

Greece 106 



The Ukrainians 130 

The Lithuanians 136 

Latvia and Estonia 141 

Belorussia 141 




INDEX 220 


The author wishes to express his gratitude to the many friends 
who were helpful to him in his research and in the preparation 
of this book, I wish to express my gratitude to the Anti-Defama- 
tion League of B'nai B'rith, whose invaluable encouragement and 
guidance from the very inception of this book and whose faith 
in its meaning were a constant inspiration. I am particularly in- 
debted to Dr. Joseph L. Lichten, to Mr. Louis Falstein, and to 
my wife, Dr. Ada Friedman, for their assistance and devoted co- 
operation while I was working on this volume. My sincere 
thanks go also to Mr. Oscar Cohen, Mr. Oscar Tarcov; and to 
Mr. Herbert Michelman of Crown Publishers for their efforts 
and competent advice. 



The story of Hitler's efforts to solve the "Jewish problem" in 
Germany and in all the countries which fell under the yoke of 
the Nazis, by the simple expedient of exterminating them, has 
often been told. It is a ghastly and shocking tale of brutality, 
torture, and murder, which in deliberate, systematic savagery on 
a grand scale is probably unsurpassed in all the annals of human 
history. From such a rehearsal readers instinctively recoil, for it 
does not make pleasant reading. 

Alongside of this depressing chronicle there is another which 
has been related only in fragments, and too seldom: it is the 
story of the compassion, sympathy, bravery, and heroism of the 
thousands of men and women who shielded and befriended the 
victims at the risk of imprisonment, torture, and death. This is 
a story which needs to be told if we are to get a true picture of 
the moral caliber of the people whose homelands were used for 
the liquidation of the Jewish population. It is needed to balance 
the degradation and baseness of the Jew-baiters with the gal- 
lantry and heroism of the Jew-aiders. 

This is the report which Philip Friedman presents. It is timely, 
reassuring, and inspiring. It shows that nineteen centuries of 
Christian teaching were not without results. So deeply had the 
fundamental law of the Christian religion, the duty to love one's 
neighbor, been woven into the warp and woof of the Christian 
conscience that thousands in all lands defied the sternest edicts 
and threats of the Gestapo and sheltered Jews in their homes, 
in monasteries, churches, convents, orphanages, and rectories. 
They proved that they 'were their brothers' keepers and that not 


in vain had Jesus of Nazareth related the parable of the Good 

This was the faith which prompted Jozefek, the cattle dealer 
in Lwow, to shelter thirty-five Jews even though it led to his 
being hanged in the public square. Such, too, was the belief 
which motivated the Mother Superior and the nuns of the Bene- 
dictine convent at Vilna to hide imperiled Jews in their convent, 
and to clothe them in their own garb in order to hide them more 
effectively; it prompted them to scour the countryside for food 
for them and to offer to die with them in their ghetto. This was 
the creed which nerved the Protestant minister, Pastor Vergara, 
to rescue at the risk of his life seventy Jewish children who were 
in danger of being killed. Such, too, were the ideals which but- 
tressed Edoardo Focherini, editor of the Bologna Catholic daily 
Awemre <F Italia, to rescue Jews even though it cost him the 
lives of his seven children in a concentration camp. 

How inspiring it is to see Archbishop Saliege of Toulouse defy 
the Nazi occupation authorities with the fearless ultimatum: 
"There is a Christian morality . . . that confers rights and imposes 
duties. These duties and these rights come from God, One can 
violate them. But no mortal has the power to suppress them - . . 
The Jews are our brethren . . . No Christian dare forget that , . . 
France, which cherishes in the conscience of all its children the 
tradition of respect for the individual . . . is not responsible for 
these horrors." 

In that brave utterance the Archbishop was but echoing the 
words of Pope Pius XI, spoken to a great gathering when Hitler 
was seeking to press his anti-Semitic measures upon Italy. Point- 
ing out the close kinship between the Hebrew tradition and 
Christian culture, the Pontiff stressed our spiritual dcscendcnce 
from Abraham: u Anti-Semitism is a repugnant movement in 
which we Christians can have no part * . * We are the spiritual 
offspring of Abraham." So stirred was the venerable prelate as 
he pleaded for the protection of Jews from the cruel measures 
of the Nazis that tears came into his eyes, and he ended his 


address with the memorable statement: "Anti-Semitism is inad- 
missible. Spiritually <we are Semites." In using the term "Semites/' 
he wished to identify himself with the persecuted victims of the 
anti-Semitic campaign then darkening the skies of Europe. 

That the pronouncements of church authorities were no idle 
utterances but found lodgment in the minds, hearts, and actions 
of their members is evident from the accusation hurled at the 
Church by the pro-Nazi journalist, Jacques Marcy: "Every 
Catholic family shelters a Jew . . . Priests help them across the 
Swiss frontier . . . Jewish children have been concealed in Cath- 
olic schools; the civilian Catholic officials receive intelligence of 
a scheduled deportation of Jews, advise a great number of 
refugee Jews about it, and the result is that about 50 per cent of 
the undesirables escape." 

How inspiring it is to see Protestant, Greek Orthodox, and 
Catholic clergymen and members of their respective flocks thun- 
der their protests against the anti-Semitic measures of the Nazis 
s and risk their lives in the attempt to rescue Jews from the claws 
of the prowling Gestapo! 

Alas! all too often the Christian people of the countries under 
the Nazi heel were compelled to undergo the horror of watching 
in stunned silence and agonizing impotence as their Jewish 
neighbors were seized and shipped to the gas ovens of Auschwitz, 
Buchenwald, and Dachau. Why? Because they could not fight 
armored tanks and machine guns with bare hands. Such was the 
predicament of millions who loathed the Nazi creed and all its 

It is not the least of the merits of this book that the author not 
only refrains from any sweeping indictment of the captor peo- 
ples, but is eager to point out numerous typical instances of high 
heroism on the part of the population in rescuing Jews from the 
terrible fate which the Nazis had in store for them. The work 
shows clearly that they were more sinned against than sinning. 
This verdict is confirmed by the horror and revulsion experi- 
enced by most Europeans in learning only after the war of the 


extent of the Nazi success in liquidating approximately six mil- 
lion of the eight million Jews in the countries groaning under 
Hitler's domination. 

This is a work not of heat, but of light. It seeks not to inflame 
the passions of vengeance but to throw the spotlight upon the 
mercy, compassion, decency, and honor which flowered in the 
action of so many people in all walks of life. They were peasants, 
housewives, factory workers, teachers, professional men, and 
clergy of all faiths, who fought with bare hands against the 
mightiest military juggernaut in modern times; they fought for 
the despised and persecuted Jew, and by their sacrifices and 
heroism they have enriched all humanity and strengthened the 
solidarity of human brotherhood. They make us proud of our 
common humanity and give ground for the hope that the ulti- 
mate victory will rest on the side of decency and honor. These 
are the true heroes of our time and they will be enshrined in the 
hearts and minds of men as long as memory endures. 

While the work is narrative in character, and rarely wanders 
into the detours of reflection, some conclusions of peculiar time- 
liness and relevance can scarcely fail to make their impact upon 
the reader. Foremost among these is the enormous hazard inher- 
ent in the very nature of the totalitarian state. How else can one 
explain the immeasurable destruction, suffering, and death in- 
flicted upon the world by the ascent to power of a Hitler or of a 
Stalin? The whole gigantic machinery of government is per- 
verted into the execution of their sadistic urges, Mood-lusts, and 
irrational hatreds. What a silent but eloquent plea for the prin- 
ciples of democracy with its system of checks and balances, and 
its widespread distribution of power* rooted in the franchises 
of its citizens! 

Another truth which emerges from this narrative in an im- 
pressive manner is this: racial and religious hatred is a luxury in 
which no nation or group can indulge without the danger of 
setting its own house on fire. It is like playing with dynamite 
or even worse! with hydrogen bombs* The insensate fury 


which such hatred releases comes back to plague and bestialize 
the hater: it degrades, demoralizes, and dehumanizes him as no 
external enemy can possibly do. 

It affords a striking illustration of the inescapable fact that we 
are all traveling in the same boat. The occupant who drives a 
hole under the part where his neighbor is seated, finds that the 
water engulfs him as well and carries him to destruction. This 
little book teaches us to purge our hearts of all the hatreds which 
blight our common humanity: such is an altruism which pays 
rich dividends; it is good patriotism, good Judaism, good Chris- 
tianity and plain common sense. 

The mills of God grind slowly, but they grind exceedingly 
fine. The Third Reich which Hitler boasted was to last for a 
thousand years went down into the rubble under the shells of 
Russian guns and bombs from American planes. It has faded 
from the earth like an ugly memory, a poisonous gas, a hideous 
nightmare. Out of the holocaust arose the remaining persecuted, 
decimated Jews who were to have been exterminated forever; 
with them arose the Republic of Israel and nationhood for the 
outcast children of Israel in their ancestral homeland. Here is 
retribution on a cosmic scale for Nazi hatred, oppression and 
cruelty: the unwritten final chapter in Mem K0^pf. 

The cannons of war are silenced now. Subdued, if not alto- 
gether banished, is the hatred of the Jews which the Nazis 
whipped into a frenzy never witnessed before. Auschwitz, 
Dachau, and Buchenwald live only as symbols of horror and 
infamy. Can such an outrage happen again? Civilization must 
build up its defenses social, cultural and spiritual so that the 
massacre of any people will never again be attempted. The 
struggle will not be an easy one. It must be waged with courage, 
determination, and with all the light which sScicnce and religion 
can throw upon man's groping efforts to emancipate himself 
from the strait jacket of racial and religious hatreds in order to 
sec in every man his brother. 

This book encourages, guides, and helps us in that enterprise. 


Although the author personally experienced the lash of Nazi 
cruelty, he writes in a calm, objective manner, and seeks with 
surprising magnanimity to focus attention chiefly upon the 
humane, noble, and heroic deeds of mercy, self -sacrifice, and 
love which relieve the horror of the Nazi nightmare. He thus 
sets an example for each of us. I commend this work to all who 
are interested in seeing how people reached up gentle hands and 
took Christ's law of love out of the sky and, even in the fiery 
ordeal of war, put it into practice; how, in fact, they became 
their brothers* keepers. It is a stimulating and inspiring story and 
I hope it is read by millions. 

Father John A. O'Brien 
University of Notre Darne 


The vast area of Europe seized and held by the Nazis and their 
accomplices during World War II contained approximately 
8,300,000 Jews. It is estimated that 6,000,000 perished by Nazi 
lethal devices, disease, or starvation. Considering that Hitler 
mobilized all of Germany's resources for the avowed purpose of 
annihilating the Jews, and that in this work he found helpers and 
collaborators among the native population in almost all Nazi- 
occupied countries, it is indeed a miracle that more than 2,000,- 
ooo remained alive. Those surviving were saved by flight, emi- 
gration, or evacuation before the arrival of the Germans and the 
changeable fortunes of war. But at least a million Jews survived 
in the very crucible of the Nazi hell, the occupied areas. 

How this million survived is the theme of our story. These 
candidates for the Nazi crematoria could not have lived to wit- 
ness the collapse of the Reich that was to endure a thousand years 
if they had relied on their own resources. The miracle could not 
have been accomplished without the active assistance of the 
Christian population. 

We will never know how many of the approximately 300,- 
000,000 Europeans who lived briefly under the Nazi heel helped 
Jews, It is not the number that matters. What matters is that a 
small army of valorous men and women opened their hearts and 
their homes to a people marked for extinction, defying the in- 
vader and death itself. In the words of the Jewish writer, Sholem 

"It is of the highest importance not only to record and 
recount, both for ourselves and for the future, the evidences 


of human degradation, but side by side with them to set 
forth the evidences of human exaltation and nobility. Let 
the epic of heroic deeds of love, as opposed by those of 
hatred, of rescue as opposed to destruction, bear equal 
witness to unborn generations. 

"On the flood of sin, hatred and blood let loose by Hitler 
upon the world, there swam a small ark which preserved 
intact the common heritage of a Judeo-Christian outlook, 
that outlook which is founded on the double principle of 
love of God and love of one's fellow men. The demonism 
of Hitler had sought to overturn and overwhelm it in the 
floods of hate. It was saved by the heroism of a handful of 


In European countries occupied or dominated by Germany, 
the reaction to anti-Semitic laws and the policy of extermina- 
tion varied considerably. Many factors were responsible for this. 
First, there were the conditions prevailing in the individual coun- 
tries before the Nazi assault. Some countries the Western and 
Scandinavian had a long history of liberal and democratic 
traditions so that the general population tended to be sympa- 
thetic to countrymen of Jewish origin. Similarly, the Greeks, the 
Bulgarians, and the Czechs tried to help the Jews. In other 
countries, particularly in Eastern Europe, where centuries of 
serfdom, drudgery, and oppression by foreign occupying powers 
gave root to exaggerated nationalistic feeling, xenophobia, and 
hatred, the general population was least likely to risk Nazi dis- 
pleasure. Here only a small, though significant, minority dared 
to help the Jews or even to manifest feelings of sympathy for 
the persecuted. In all countries, large groups of people were 
neutral or just indifferent to the sufferings of their fellow citizens 
of Jewish origin, In some countries, passive humanitarians- 
those who were sympathetic but too afraid to dare to express 
their opinions or to help the Jews constituted a large group of 
the population. Considering this background, one must regard 


the gallant few whose bravery rescued so many of the doomed 
as even greater heroes. 

Hiding a Jew was not an easy matter. It required more than 
willingness, courage, and readiness to imperil the lives of one's 
family; a proper place was necessary, an ability to camouflage 
the hide-out, contact with like-minded individuals who would 
risk taking the Jew in the event of an imminent raid. Experience 
had taught the host as well as the one in hiding that movement 
of and frequent changes in hiding places were essential for 
survival. Thus, the saving of one Jew or a whole family often 
involved the co-operation of many Christians, Frequently a 
Jewish family was divided among several hosts. Hiding a large 
family or a group of Jews in a private home, particularly in 
urban areas, almost inevitably ended in disaster. Sizable groups 
found shelter in monasteries, convents, mountain hide-outs, or 
bunkers in the woods; they fared less well in cities or even small 
towns. It was difficult to buy provisions for those in hiding; 
tongues would begin to wag, neighbors grow suspicious. In the 
large cities it was possible to buy small quantities of food in 
scattered black-market centers and thus avoid arousing suspicion, 
but in smaller localities this technique was difficult to apply. 
Many homes did not have inside toilets, and so there was the 
problem of disposing of refuse. A great deal of ingenuity was 
required when a "guest" became ill or died, or when a pregnant 
woman was about to give birth. The presence of small children 
increased the danger of being found out. Sleeping pills were used 
liberally to keep children from crying excessively. 

The building and arrangement of hiding places became an art. 
People built double walls and hanging ceilings behind which 
Jews sometimes lived for years. Attics and cellars were camou- 
flaged. Used also were annexes in old office buildings, as was 
done in the case of the Franks m Amsterdam. Jews were hidden 
in pigsties, cowsheds, stables, haystacks, or cemetery graves, 
Emanuel Ringclblum, martyred historian and archivisk of War- 
saw, his family, and a score of Jews who had escaped the last 


agonizing moments of the burning ghetto were accommodated 
in a specially prepared underground bunker of a Polish gardener, 
Pan Wolski. On top of this ingenious hide-out a sprouting 
greenhouse was planted as a disguise. Had not an informer 
carried word to the Gestapo, the eminent Ringelblum and the 
saintly Polish gardener, Wolski, might be alive today. 

Hiding places were often so cramped that the Jews inside 
took turns lying down. Some places were so crowded those in 
hiding were forced to stand immobile for hours, and were per- 
mitted to exercise their limbs only in the dark of night when 
their host let them out for a brief period. A Jewish woman hiding 
in Warsaw lived for eighteen months in a standing position. 
After the Nazis were driven out, she required hospitalization to 
cure her legs. There are two recorded cases of pigeon houses 
being used as places to hide. Meir Stein of Warsaw lived in a 
pigeon house located near a forest. The Polish Underground 
supplied him with food and water. Stein, who was named "The 
Eagle" by his friends, survived the Nazis; his inspiring story was 
put into verse by a Jewish poet in Brazil Gusia Oblcr of Halicz, 
who escaped the pogroms of September, 1942, found shelter in 
a pigeon house in a suburb of Lwow. Her host, a Polish brush- 
maker, eventually became fearful of reprisals and induced her to 
leave. But she survived and now lives in Israel 

There are known cases of hospital personnel hiding Jewish 
women. On occasion, even a Jewish male desperate for shelter 
was accommodated in a hospital bed, although the presence of a 
circumcised patient imperiled the whole staff. During the Nazi 
reign of terror in Cracow, a Jewish mother brought her small 
boy to St. Lazarus Hospital The boy had a broken leg. Both 
mother and child had "Aryan" documents, but Dr. Lachowicx, 
the chief physician, and the admitting nurse both took note of 
the fact that the prospective patient was circumcised. His pres- 
ence at the hospital would be deemed by the Germans a crime 
punishable by death. However, the doctor and nurse admitted 
the boy but sent the mother away- The boy's leg was treated. 


and his belly bandaged as a precaution against Gestapo visits. 
During one such raid, Dr. Lachowicz refused to remove his 
young patient's bandages, pleading with the Gestapo that the 
boy was a Christian, assuring the Germans that on their next 
visit he would show them proof. Two weeks later the Gestapo 
returned, but the boy was no longer on the premises. The staff 
had removed him to a convent in the neighborhood of Miechow. 
The Germans, who did not neglect making periodic searches 
among the nuns also, found the boy and threatened to execute 
him. The nuns insisted the boy was a Christian. They presented 
an official statement, signed by Dr. Lachowicz, explaining that 
a bad fall had so injured the boy's foreskin and his leg that an 
operation was later performed to save his life. 

Jewish children were hidden by their mothers or by Gentiles 
in baking stoves, garbage bins, and boxes. In Warsaw this writer 
saw a child who had been kept in a box concealed in a dark 
cabin. The child was almost totally blind; the muscles of his 
limbs were atrophied, and he could not walk. His speech was a 
series of inarticulate sounds. This six-year-old Jewish boy, reared 
in a world of darkness, was not undernourished; his foster mother 
had simply taken all necessary precautions for their mutual 

The Gestapo was constantly on the alert for the thousands of 
Jews who seemed to burrow into the ground like moles. Among 
their allies were collaborationists, professional informers, anti- 
Semites, drunks, and prattlers. To anyone turning in a Jew, the 
Gestapo usually paid one quart of brandy, four pounds of sugar, 
and a carton of cigarettes, or a small amount of money. Inci- 
dentally, the prices varied at different places and times. The host 
was usually executed on the spot, or hanged in a public place as 
an object lesson to "Aryans" who entertained the notion of 
hiding a Jew. 

In 1942, when the Germans ran amuck slaughtering the Jews 
of Tarnopol, several desperate men and women pleaded with a 
Ukrainian doorkeeper to let them hide in the large, abandoned 


attic of an office building. They were aware that the ground 
floor of the building was occupied by the Gestapo, but they were 
surrounded; all avenues of escape were closed. The old door- 
keeper agreed and led them upstairs. He did not reveal the ter- 
rible secret even to his wife. He bought food for his "tenants" 
from his own money and took it to them after office hours, when 
the ground floor was empty. One day, unable to sustain the 
burden of his secret, the doorkeeper revealed it to his wife. At a 
party, after several drinks, she whispered the intelligence to her 
brother, who hated Jews. The brother threatened to go to the 
Gestapo, and the doorkeeper tried dissuading him. They quar- 
reled, fought, and as the brother-in-law started for the door to 
summon the Gestapo, the doorkeeper grabbed an ax and killed 
him. After the German retreat and the return of the Russians, 
the doorkeeper helped his twenty-one Jewish "guests" to settle 
in Zbaraz, One day he came to his friends and pleaded with them 
to hide him because his wife and her family were seeking to 
avenge the man he had slain. When the Jews made preparations 
to emigrate, the old doorkeeper joined them. 

The Lwow cattle dealer, Jozefek, met a different fate. He was 
hanged in a public square for concealing thirty-five Jews. His 
body was left dangling for several days as a warning to others. 
In Athens twelve Greeks were publicly hanged for helping a 
group of Jews to escape, 

On occasion, Jewish guests, fearful of the consequences to 
their hosts if they were caught, left the places of safety of their 
own free will, often to commit suicide. "We are trailed and 
hunted," wrote Francisca Rubinlicht of Warsaw- Ci We can no 
longer find a place to hide* Our money is gone- Wo cannot stay 
here any longer because we have been threatened with being 
reported to the Gestapo. If this happens, our protectors will 
suffer as well We cannot commit suicide in this place because 
our protector will be victimized* So we have decided," the note 
goes on to say, "to surrender, ia the knowledge that we can 


swallow the [suicide] pills that now constitute our only, our 
priceless possession." 

The good, generous, and godly people who hid Jews feared 
not only the wrath of the Nazis; they also had to contend with 
anti-Semites among the local population, and terror organizations 
that preached the gospel of hatred even after the war. There are 
numerous recorded instances concerning Poles who gave protec- 
tion to their Jewish countrymen and later were shot by terrorist 
groups. Andrzej Kowalski of Parczew, Poland, who had con- 
cealed six Jewish families without remuneration during the war, 
was forced by anti-Semites to leave his home and settle else- 
where. Two Polish families of Bialystok who had put their lives 
in peril by helping Jews during the Occupation were forced by 
their neighbors to look elsewhere for home arxd sustenance. They 
left for West Germany, and then were helped by the Jewish 
Labor Committee to emigrate to the United States. In 1946 the 
Jewish Committee of Bialystok was aiding 180 Christian families 
who were being persecuted by illegal Rightist groups for their 
generosity to Jews during the evil time of Hitler. In bidding 
good-by to two Jewish women he had hidden in his place until 
the Nazis were driven out, the Polish beggar, Karol Kicinski, 
pleaded, "Please don't tell anyone I saved you; I fear for my 



Emanuel Ringelblum on more than one occasion recorded the 
valorous deeds of Jewish women whose capacity to love, endure, 
sacrifice, and fight during the years of the Nazi Locust will 
inspire poets and historians alike for many years to come. The 
hymn to the heroic non-Jewish women who risked their lives 
for the victims of Nazi barbarism is yet to be written and the 
song is yet to be sung. It would require more than can be told 
in the pages of one book to call the roll of the women of many 
nations, political persuasions, and varying social strata who gave 
their time, their wealth, even their lives for those who had been 
marked by Hitler for extermination. Behind each proud name 
cited in these chapters stand the nameless, anonymous legions of 
women whose inspiring acts will live as long as the conscience 
of mankind is disturbed by the remembrance of the murderous 
Hitler era, 

Anna Simaite was a Lithuanian, rather on the stout side, with 
a broad peasant face, and flaxen hair which she parted in the 
middle and braided into a coil to crown her head. In her early 
childhood Anna had many Jewish friends and classmates. Among 
her favorite authors was the famous Polish writer Eliza Orzesz- 
kowa, who wrote a number of stories about Jews and whose 
distinguished novel Meir Bzofoiuicz treated the Jew with com- 
passion and love. Her grandfather, a liberal, broad-minded man, 
taught the girl to consider the Jews objectively and not through 
the distorted vision of bigotry and anti-Semitism, When Anna 
entered high school in Riga, she joined a Social Revolutionary 
underground organization, aimed at destroying the tsarist regime 
that spread its tentacles from faraway St. Petersburg. Later, she 



studied at the Teachers' Seminary In Moscow, and after gradua- 
tion became completely absorbed by the plight of the under- 
privileged, choosing to devote her life to the children of the poor. 

But soon after the outbreak of World War II, we find Anna 
Simaite in charge if the cataloguing department of the old and 
famed Vilna University. She was counted among the best literary 
critics in Lithuania; her position and reputation were secure if 
she chose to remain silent. But Anna Simaite chose to fight. Ten 
years later, after the guns had been stilled and weeds had grown 
high over the shattered brick and mortar of the walled-in 
ghettos, Anna explained her compulsion to act. "When the 
Germans forced Jews of Vilna into a ghetto, I could no longer 
go on with my work. I could not remain in my study. I could 
not eat. I was ashamed that I was not Jewish myself. I had to 
do something. I realized the danger involved, but it could not 
be helped. A force much stronger than myself was at work." 

Obsessed with the notion that only by helping the Jews could 
she fulfill herself as a human being, Anna Simaite turned toward 
the ghetto. Non-Jews were prohibited from entering this reser- 
vation where the Jews of Vilna had been immured to suffer 
briefly before they were exterminated. Anna, the non-Jew, was 
determined to breach the ghetto walls, to offer her services, to 
declare her oneness with the sufferers. She appeared before the 
German authorities and presented them with a singularly inno- 
cent plan. In the ghetto were books that had been borrowed 
from the University library some rime before by Jewish stu- 
dents. Would the Germans permit her, a conscientious librarian, 
to go behind the barbed wires and high walls in order to rescue 
the priceless volumes? The Germans granted her request, and 
for a few weeks Anna enjoyed a limited immunity* Site prowled 
among the crowded hovels of the ghetto, which had been the 
slum area of Vilna before the war, offering her aid to the hapless 
Jews. When the Germans declared that she was taking too much 
time reclaiming her valuable books, Anna contrived new 
schemes. As time went on, she became completely absorbed by 


the feverish life of the ghetto. She visited friends, ran to amateur 
theatricals and concerts, attended lectures, art exhibits, and teas. 
She could not get over the fact that the Jews, whom the occupy- 
ing power had sentenced to death by starvation, torture, and 
deportation, spent all their waking hours celebrating life. 

As Anna went back and forth, she got in touch with people 
in the Aryan part of the city, people who might risk taking in an 
old friend languishing in the ghetto. There were those who 
nodded quick assent, and others who wavered while Anna 
pleaded with them and tried to infuse them with the courage 
she possessed in such abundance. And there were those who 
spat in her face. But she was not to be insulted, intimidated, or 
diverted from her mission. She sought out hiding places for 
Jewish children whom she later helped spirit out of the ghetto. 
She obtained forged Aryan papers for Jews who determined to 
scale the ghetto walls. She proudly enlisted as a courier, smug- 
gling letters from leaders of the ghetto Underground to their 
compatriots outside, letters that could not under any circum- 
stances be sent through the mails. Assisted by a small, valiant 
group of friends, among them the well-known Lithuanian poet 
Baruta, Anna carried food to the starving Jews. For those 
among the decimated ghetto-dwellers who resolved to make a 
last stand against the enemy, she brought small arms and ammu- 
nition. It goes without saying that each article Anna smuggled 
inside the reservation, she carried at the risk of her life, were 
it a small gun hidden on her person, or a bouquet of roses for 
some beauty-starved woman of the desolate ghetto. She came 
always laden with things and thus did she leave, carrying pre- 
cious archives, rare books, documents, and scraps of diaries of 
the martyrdom of the walled-in people to be preserved for 
another time. She hid the precious objects in the vaults of the 
Seminar for Lithuanistics at the University. 

In April of 1942, Jacob Gens, the commander of the Vilna 
ghetto, cautioned Anna Simaite that the Gestapo was becoming 
suspicious of her activities. This warning came at the time when 


the Germans were launching their campaign for total extermina- 
tion of the ghetto-dwellers. Anna scorned the commander's 
warning; her own fate seemed inconsequential in the face of the 
disaster threatening the Jews. She organized a rescue group in 
the Aryan sector of the city, determined to save as many Jewish 
children as possible. She worked tirelessly, bribing guards, 
wheedling, cajoling, her life as much in danger as the lives of the 
skeleton children she snatched from the ghetto to hide among 
non-Jews. For a short time she evaded the Gestapo net by taking 
shelter among members of the Underground, but in the summer 
of 1944 the inevitable happened: Anna was seized by the Ges- 
tapo. Threatened, beaten, starved, still she betrayed no secrets. 
Finally she was sentenced to death, 

Without Anna's knowledge, the University interceded on her 
behalf, bribing a high Nazi official. The death sentence was 
commuted, and Anna was deported to the notorious Dachau 
concentration camp and later transferred to a camp in Southern 
France, where the Allied armies found her barely clinging to 
life. Following the Liberation, she went to Toulouse, penniless, 
her health shattered. After a period of convalescence in a hos- 
pital, Anna found a job as dishwasher in a small restaurant. 
Despite the fact that she lived the withdrawn life of a refugee, 
word mysteriously got around that Anna Slmaite was in France 
and in need of help. Messages with offers of aid began to arrive 
at her flat. The offers came from organizations like the Union 
of Lithuanian Jews of America, and front individuals to whom 
her name had become a legend Determined to earn her own 
livelihood, Anna Simaitc declined the aid. When the job as 
dishwasher came to an abrupt end, she went to Paris anil found 
employment first in a laundry, then as a doll seamstress, and 
finally as a librarian. 

Anna might have remained in Park to live out the rest of her 
days if the news of her survival had not reached sonic of her 
former "children." Letters began to arrive from many parts of 
the world- All of her "children** implored her to come and live 


with them. One of the most persistent of correspondents was 
Tania Wachsman, a mother of two children, who lived in a 
kibbutz in Israel "My dear Mother," Tania began each letter, 
"when will you finally come to us?" Anna hesitated she did not 
want to be a burden but in the end yielded to Tania's pleas. 

She arrived in Israel in the spring of 1953. Everywhere in the 
new republic she was received with flowers and applause. She 
was feted by the Association of Lithuanian Jews and by the 
editorial staff of the largest Hebrew daily newspaper, Davar. 
The government of Israel granted her a pension, an honor she 
refused but eventually agreed to accept. What impressed Anna 
more than the receptions, flowers, and emoluments was the 
welcome accorded her by the "children" whom she had helped 
to survive the ghetto. "It is not possible for me to tell you how 
much I appreciate this warmhearted reception," she said. "I have 
not the words. I am here . . . among my kin." 

And there she lives, among her "children," in a place called 
Petah Tikvah the woman with the peasant face, her gray hair 
parted smoothly in the center writing essays, memoirs and 

"For me, as a Lithuanian," she says, "it is a very sad thing to 
admit that not all of my co-nationals, during the years of the 
Jewish ordeal, showed compassion for the victims. To my great 
sorrow, it must be admitted that some elements among the Lith- 
uanians even collaborated in the extermination of the Jews." As 
for the Vilna ghetto where she virtually lived in those terrible 
days, she has this to say: "How the Jews stood it, I do not know. 
The Jews of the Vilna ghetto and all other ghettos were great 
heroes, even if they themselves did not realize it." 

It is not possible to call to memory the Vilna ghetto without 
also invoking the name of Anna Simaite, who stormed its walls, 
clutching a gun for resistance and a crushed flower for the com- 
fort of some beauty-starved soul 


The small nunnery was located not far from the Vilna Colony 
railroad station. During the German occupation there were only 
seven sisters in this Benedictine convent, all from Cracow. The 
Mother Superior, a graduate of Cracow University, was a com- 
paratively young woman of thirty-five at the time when the 
Jews were driven from their homes. Although the convent was 
too far removed from the ghetto for her to hear the cries of a 
tortured people, the Mother Superior seemed always to be gazing 
in that direction, as though she were waiting for a summons. She 
found it hard to keep her mind on the work which had pre- 
viously claimed all her time and love, the ministering to the poor 
and the miserable. 

One day she decided that the time had come to act. She 
summoned the other nuns and, after prayer, they discussed the 
subject of the ghetto. Not long afterward, as a result of this 
conversation, a few of the sisters appeared before the gate of the 
ghetto. The guards did not suspect the nuns of any conspira- 
torial designs* Eventually contact was established between the 
convent and the Vilna ghetto, and an underground railroad 
was formed. The seven nuns became experts in getting Jews 
out of the ghetto and hiding them at the convent and in other 
places. At one period it seemed as if the small nunnery were 
bulging with nuns, some with features unmistakably masculine, 

Among those hidden in the convent were several Jewish 
writers and leaders of the ghetto Underground; Abraham Sutz- 
kever, Abba Kovncr, Edek Boraks, and Aric Wilner. Some 
stayed a long time, others returned to the ghetto to fight and die, 
When, in the winter of 1941, the Jewish Fighters' Organization 
was formed, the Mother Superior became an indispensable ally. 
The Fighters needed arms, and the Mother Superior undertook 
to supply them. Assisted by the other nuns, she roamed the 
countryside in search of knives, daggers, bayonets, pistols, gum, 
grenades. The hands accustomed to the touch of rosary beads 
became expert with explosives, The first four grenades received 
gratefully by the Fighters were the gift of the Mother Superior, 


who instructed Abba Kovner in their proper use, as they were 
of a special brand unfamiliar to him. She later supplied other 
weapons. Although she worked selflessly, tirelessly, she felt not 
enough was being done. "I wish to come to the ghetto," she said 
to Abba Kovner, "to fight by your side, to die, if necessary. 
Your fight is a holy one. You are a noble people. Despite the 
fact that you are a Marxist [Kovner was a member of Hashomer 
Hatzair] and have no religion, you are closer to God than I." 

Her ardent wish to enter the ghetto to fight and, in the end, 
to die the martyred death of the Jews was not realized. She was 
too valuable an ally, and was prevailed upon to remain on the 
Aryan side. In addition to supplying arms, she also acted as a 
liaison between the Jewish Fighters' Organization inside the 
ghetto and the Polish Underground with which they were des- 
perately trying to establish a military partnership. The partner- 
ship was never achieved, but this failure was not her fault. And 
although the battle was lost, she was not the loser. Her heroism 
was enshrined in the hearts of those who would remember. 

Janina Bucholc-Bukolska was employed in the small firm of 
Rybczynski on Miodowa Street in Warsaw. The tiny office, 
which specialized in translations, was always overcrowded. 
Papers and documents were piled on desks, shelves, and cabinets. 
The papers were not even remotely connected with translations; 
they were, in fact, birth certificates, marriage records, school 
diplomas, food ration cards, letters of recommendation from 
employers, and all manner of documents and forms. Mrs. Bukol- 
ska was a large woman, awkward in movement. Wearing the 
thick glasses she depended on, she sat calmly in the midst of 
this chaos of papers and attended busily to her work. Her work, 
among other things, consisted of supplying false identification 
cards to Jews. A German policeman would sometimes pass 
outside the window and gaze curiously at the picture of industry 
and prosperity inside. Customers were always coming and going. 


The males among Bukolska's clients Invariably wore bushy 
mustaches and the women displayed peroxide-blonde hair. In 
fact, not one person entered the office who did not have a Nordic 
appearance save Mrs, Bukolska herself, and she was the only 

Gentile in the crowd. All the others had been Aryanized, in 
appearance at least, before they came to her. They brought with 
them photographs, fingerprints, and other pertinent information, 
most of it spurious. Janina Bukolska then had the Aryan identity 
papers known as Kennkarten made up by an expert. 

The customers entered her office as Jews and left as Gentiles. 
But they seldom went out without consulting with Bukolska 
about a possible place to hide in the Aryan sector. She took down 
their names. Finding places for the new Aryans to live was one 
of Bukolska's occupations. This was far from easy, as the Ger- 
mans offered ten pounds of sugar and a pint of vodka as a 
reward for surrendering a Jew hiding in the Aryan sector of the 
city. The punishment for hiding a Jew or helping one to find a 
place to hide was death. 

Mrs. Bukolska shrugged off all obstacles placed in her way- 
After a busy day at the overcrowded office, she spent her eve- 
nings visiting around, ringing doorbells, inquiring whether the 
good people of Warsaw would consider giving shelter to one 
of her new Aryans. On occasion she met with a hit of good 
luck, as she did when Dr. Jan Zabiaski, director of the Warsaw 
7,00, offered her clients some cages vacated by animals that had 
perished for lack of food, But in most instances she met with 
reticence, refusal, and abuse; often she was threatened with the 
Gestapo. Her labors continued, however, and her "business" 
prospered until the last ghetto hovel had been put to the torch 
by the Na/is and the last Jew murdered. And even then Pani 
Janina carried on, for her work was not finished* It came to an 
end only when the I litler hordes were driven out of her beloved 


A roll call of heroic women who risked their lives to help a 
cause that appeared lost would not be complete without the 
mention of Sophia Debicka, Jadzia Duniec, Irena Adamowicz, 
Janina Plawczynska, and Rena Laterner. Sophia Debicka came 
from a family of Polish intellectuals and was related to the 
veteran Socialist leader, Stephanie Sempolowska. She hid several 
Jewish women in her house, camouflaging them as nurse, 
seamstress, cook, and maid. She seized a little Jewish girl from a 
transport, declaring the child was her daughter. Her home 
became an operational base for the Jewish Fighters' Organiza- 
tion of Warsaw. She alerted her friends in the Postmaster's office 
who examined letters addressed to the Gestapo, to intercept those 
containing tips from informers about Jews hiding in the Christian 

Jadzia Duniec, a Catholic girl of Vilna, did not leave behind 
a long record of deeds which would memorialize her. She died 
too young. But for a brief period before the Gestapo captured 
and executed her, Jadzia served as a courier and liaison between 
Jewish underground organizations and the outer world. She 
supplied weapons to the Szeinbaum fighting group in Vilna, and 
she was often sent to Kaunas and Shavli on errands for the 
Fighters, She died as she lived, courageously. Her name deserves 
to be remembered, for she was one of a small, valiant group. 

Irena Adamowicz belonged to the same small group. Irena was 
not so young as Jadzia. She came of a pious, aristocratic Polish 
family, and before the war she was an executive of the Polish 
Girl Scouts. During the German occupation she became a courier 
between the ghettos of Warsaw, Vilna, Kaunas, Shavli, Bialy- 
stok, and other cities. Along with several other Christian women, 
she volunteered for this work that meant certain death if she 
were captured. Among her co-workers, though Irena probably 
never met them, were two wrinkled old ladies, Janina Plawczyn- 
ska and Rena Laterner, Both these venerable ladies were in their 
seventies. They carried messages between the Fighters and the 
Polish Underground in Warsaw. After the collapse of the ghetto 


uprising, they sheltered ten Fighters in a bunker they erected. 
They perished with the ten Jews. 

Mother Maria of Paris was a Russian woman, born Elizabeth 
Pilenko. Her grandfather was a Don Cossack general; her grand- 
mother a descendant of a French officer in Napoleon's army. The 
first woman to be graduated from the Theological Seminary in 
Russia, Elizabeth became a distinguished poetess and an active 
Socialist. Soon after her graduation she married, but her married 
life was tragic. A little daughter died at the age of four, and 
later the marriage ended in divorce. Elizabeth's second husband 
was D. E. Skobtzoff, a writer, by whom she had a son, Yuri. 
After the Bolshevik Revolution the Skobtzoffs left their native 
Russia and went to live in Paris. In 1932 Elizabeth divorced her 
second husband and became a nun, taking the name Maria. 

She was no longer a young woman when the Nazis over- 
whelmed France. She was fifty, past the age when one joins with 
conspirators and those who imperil their lives for one cause or 
another. But she enlisted readily, out of a strong inner need to 
help those in greatest jeopardy, the Jews. The reflective poetess, 
the nun who not long before had withdrawn from the storms 
and stresses of the world, was in a short time transformed into 
an exalted partisan of a cause. As she joined the battle, she was 
certain beyond any doubt that the path she now chose would 
eventually bring her closer to her God, She took command of 
a clandestine organization of Greek Orthodox priests for rescu- 
ing Jews, particularly children, A small convent in Paris became 
the headquarters of the group* Liasion was established with the 
Catholic Underground headed by the Jesuit Father Pierre Chail- 
let Food and clothing were collected at the convent and sent 
to the Jews in the Drancy concentration camp, A hidden mill 
inside the convent turned out identification papers and German 
documents for Jews who were still at large* Scores of Jews were 
given temporary shelter in the Little Cloister until more secure 


and permanent hiding places could be found for them. In the 
midst of these feverish activities Mother Maria, who was in full 
charge, found time to indulge an old passion, the writing of 
verse. After the Germans had foisted the Jewish badge on the 
French, Mother Maria wrote a poem brimming with anger and 
defiance; the Jewish badge intended by the Nazis as a symbol 
of humiliation, she cried, was in fact a mark of distinction. 
Widely circulated among those who read Russian, the poem 
stirred the Nazis no less than it did its Russian-speaking readers, 
though for different reasons. 

In the early morning of February 7, 1943, a Gestapo man by 
the name of Hofman came with several guards to the convent 
on Rue de Lourmel. He demanded to see Mother Maria, and 
was told he would have to come another time Mother Maria 
was out, in the country. The Germans left, but not without 
taking along Mother Maria's young son Yuri as a hostage. 
Alarmed by the arrest, Mother Maria returned, and was im- 
mediately summoned to Gestapo headquarters. She demanded 
the release of her son, who was in no way involved in any of her 

During the angry interrogation, Hofman turned to the nun's 
mother, who accompanied her: "You educated your daughter 
very stupidly," he shouted. "She helps Jews only." 

"This is not true," the old woman replied. "She is a Christian 
who helps those in need. She would even help you, if you were 
in trouble." 

"You will never see your daughter again," the Nazi said, by 
way of concluding the interview. 

Mother Maria was arrested and taken to Romainville. Yuri was 
sent to the Compi&gne concentration camp and later to Buchen- 
wald where he was tortured to death. On April 24, 1943, Mother 
Maria was transferred to the notorious Ravensbrueck camp, 
There were 2,500 women in the cell block where she lived, most 
of them infested with vermin and suffering from dysentery and 
typhus, She helped where she could, with a morsel of food, a 


kind word, a prayer. Weakened as her body was by the ravages 
of hunger, disease, and torture, she continued to minister to the 
women, moving about in the filthy, tightly packed barracks like 
a disembodied shadow. She was a tight-lipped, grim witness to 
Nazi barbarism. Daily she watched the guards come to fetch 
Jewish women, whom they dragged to the crematoria for the 
greater glory of the Reich. And she waited for her turn to take 
the final walk. But the Gestapo seemed to be in no hurry. 
Mother Maria, "criminal" though she was, possessed Aryan 
papers; there were a great many Jewish women still to be ex- 

Her turn finally came. She was last seen alive on March 31, 
1945, one month and a few days before the collapse of the 
Thousand- Year Reich. It is said that she committed one last 
saintly act exchanging, with a Jewish woman chosen for the 
gas chamber, her precious Aryan card. But she was not quite 
strong enough to walk to her execution upright; the guards 
carried her. 



In 1939, in Occupied Poland, the Nazis for the first time ordered 
the use of the Jewish badge. This distinctive marking isolating 
the Jew from the rest of the populace was not uniform in all 
areas occupied by the Germans. Often the emblem, shape, and 
size were left to the whim and the imagination of the local 
commander. In some areas the Jews were ordered to sew a 
yellow Star of David on their outer garments, yellow having 
been designated by the Thousand-Year Reich as the "Jew-color" 
(Judenfarbe). In certain other regions, a white and blue arm- 
band was prescribed. But most of the badges, whatever their 
over-all size and shape, employed the six-pointed Star of David. 

A German scholar, Dr. Herbert Morgen, who had drunk 
deeply of the Nazi cup of wisdom, made the following observa- 
tion after a journey through the "New German Eastern Area" 
(Occupied Poland): "As an external sign of belonging to their 
tribe, the Jews wore, depending on the directive of the Landrat, 
a yellow Star of David, a yellow triangle or something like it, 
on their breasts or back. The general impression one receives of 
this human mass is appalling. One inevitably arrives at the con- 
clusion that he is confronted here with a completely degenerate, 
inferior segment of humanity." 

The local commander at Ozorkow, near Lodz, implemented 
the orders of his superiors by branding his victims as though they 
were cattle. The Jews who were deemed fit for work found 
themselves marked with the letter A-, the unfit were stamped B. 
In view of the fact that the imaginative commander had the 
Jews branded on the buttocks, one's fitness to work could not 
be fully determined until he dropped his trousers and turned his 



back on a fully accredited representative of the Third Reich. 
Those unfit were killed. 

In due time a uniform badge was devised. On November 
23, 1939, Hans Frank, Nazi governor of Poland, ordered all 
Jews aged ten and over to wear a white armband with a blue 
Star of David embossed on it. In other occupied territories in 
the East, local designs prevailed until the Reichminister of In- 
terior, on September i, 1941, decreed for all Jews in Germany, 
the "Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia/' and all other terri- 
tories occupied by the Nazis, with the exception of Poland, the 
wearing of a yellow hexagram (Star of David), with the inscrip- 
tion Jude in black, to be sewn or pinned on the left breast. For 
some obscure reason the age of the wearer was lowered from ten 
to six. 

The reaction of the non-Jewish population to this sweeping 
decree varied. A German-Jewish teacher who lived in Berlin at 
the time made the following observation in his memoirs: "On 
the morning following the order, I went out early to slichaus 
[Hebrew prayer before the Day of Atonement] and observed 
how the passers-by reacted to the Jewish badge." He was struck 
by the embarrassment of most people, coupled, no doubt, with 
a sense of guilt. "People looked away," he noted, "and behaved 
as if they did not notice the Star. The Hitler Youth apparently 
received orders not to take notice of the Star, and the appre- 
hension that Jews would be molested in the streets [by the young 
rowdies] proved baseless." In another entry the chronicler de- 
scribed the following episode: A Jew emerged from his office 
wearing the new badge. A little Christian girl approached him, 
shook his hand, and said: "Heft Hitler, Herr Jude!" Taken 
aback, the Jew asked her the meaning of such a strange greeting. 
The girl's answer was swift and to the point; the teacher in 
school, she explained to the Jew, had instructed all the children 
to be particularly cordial to people wearing the Star. 

Expressions of sympathy for the wearers of the Star took 


varied forms. People put candy or fruit in their pockets, offered 
them seats in crowded trolleys and subways. 

Siegmund Weltlinger, a Jewish communal official in Berlin, 
was approached one morning by a high German officer, a total 
stranger, who opened his cigarette case, bowed stiffly, and said: 
"Please help yourself, comrade." 

General Helmuth Stieff , after a brief furlough in Berlin, wrote 
to his relatives from headquarters in Minsk: "This [Star] is un- 
worthy of an allegedly cultured nation. . . . Someday we shall 
pay for this!" 

An entry in Emanuel Ringelblum's Warsaw ghetto diary is 
pertinent: U A Jew riding in a crowded trolley car dropped his 
badge. A German officer warned the man: 'You, Jew, you just 
lost the Twentieth Century.' " 

A Berlin correspondent of the London Times wrote in a Sep- 
tember, 1941, issue of his newspaper: "Many German Aryans 
felt such a resentment at the . . . stigmatization of Jews that on 
the day the regulations came into force, they were seen in the 
streets openly shaking hands, at the risk of punishment, with 
Jewish acquaintances." 

The risks involved were many, as illustrated by the incident 
recorded by a German writer, Joseph Radermacher. A man 
wearing the Jewish Star entered a trolley car, walked to a vacant 
seat, and sat down. The motorman ordered the Jew to vacate 
the seat and move to the platform, a place designated for Jews. 
As the cowed passenger rose to comply with the order, the 
motorman whispered to him, "Don't fret; a time will come when 
you'll regain your rights." The passenger, a disguised police 
agent, arrested the motorman. 

A small, courageous minority of Germans made an effort to 
oppose the Hitler decrees, which were as humiliating to them 
as they were to the people who were the direct victims. An even 
smaller minority spat on the victims and reviled them. But most 
Germans hid behind a mask of indifference. 

"Most people [Gentiles] pretend not to see the badge," a Jew- 


ish woman of Munich, Else Behrend-Rosenthal, observed. "Oc- 
casionally someone on the trolley will express satisfaction at the 
'Jewish gang' now being exposed. But we also hear many ex- 
pressions of disgust at these . . . measures, and much sympathy 
is shown to us." 

Although the terror regime was still firmly entrenched, the 
Nazi hierarchy viewed with concern the friendly attitude shown 
toward the Jews by a tiny segment of the population. One of 
the most powerful and evil men in Nazidom, Propaganda Min- 
ister Joseph Goebbels, made the following entry in his diary: 
"I gave orders to investigate all Jews still left in Berlin. I do not 
want to see Jews with the Star of David running about in the 
capital. Either the Star must be taken from them and they be 
classed as 'privileged,' or they must be evacuated altogether from 
the capital of the Reich." 

In addition to professing Jews, who were hardest hit by the 
decree, the badge was forced upon baptized Jews and descend- 
ants of mixed marriages, Mischlinge. Many of the former Jews 
and half -Jews who had long ago assumed they were Christians 
showed their deep humiliation at the badge by discontinuing 
church attendance and curtailing their social activities. Some of 
them hid the badge and thus courted death. Eventually, after 
many church protests, the Mischlinge were exempted from wear- 
ing the Star. 

In most countries occupied by the Germans, the Gentile popu- 
lation did not hide its contempt for the badge. In Czecho- 
slovakia the wearers of the badge were treated as heroes. Hubert 
Ripka, member of the Czechoslovak National Committee in 
London, addressed the Jews of his country over the BBC in the 
following words: "Jews of Czechoslovakia, we think of you with 
profound sympathy. . . . Today the Germans have designated 
you publicly by a mark of shame. The yellow Star is a mark of 
honor which all decent people will respect. . . . Jewish friends, 
do not hide your identity; be proud of it!" 

In Poland, where Nazi savagery exceeded all bounds, the in- 


troduction of the badge aroused hardly any protest. The Hebrew 
Underground newspaper Mm htfmetzctr noted that several mem- 
bers of the Polish Socialist party (PPS) planned to wear the 
badge as a token of solidarity with the Jews, an action that never 
materialized. In Warsaw, the underground press of the Polish 
Socialist party printed an editorial attacking the badge. Expres- 
sions of protest came from other sources, but they were small, 
feeble voices. 

It is a matter of record that the Germans were unable to create 
a quisling government in Poland. The activities of the Polish 
Underground were widespread and effective, and the Germans 
retaliated with raids on the civilian population, deporting many 
thousands of Poles to slave-labor camps and staging public execu- 
tions. Poles of the Resistance trying to escape the Nazi wrath 
discovered an odd ally: the Jewish badge. 

"A terrible day/' Emanuel Ringelblum noted in his diary of 
May 8, 1940. "Everywhere the Germans are rounding up Poles. 
Jews are screened to make certain they are not camouflaged 
Poles. . . . I've heard that during the raid Jews of Aryan appear- 
ance were ordered to speak Yiddish to identify themselves." 

A brisk trade developed, Poles buying or borrowing badges 
from Jews. The new enterprise, which was not without risks, 
flourished in candy stores, caf 6s, and on the streets of the ghetto. 
The ten or fifteen zlotys that changed hands enabled the Jew 
to buy a morsel of food; the badge gave the Aryan access to the 
ghetto, where he might transact some business or get in touch 
with the Jewish Underground. 

While opposition to the badge was almost nonexistent in the 
Eastern European countries occupied by the Nazis, the West 
fought savagely against it. 

On November 8, 1940, the German authorities in France is- 
sued a number of travel restrictions concerning Jews and Ne- 
groes* A small hitch developed almost from the start. According 


to the Prefect of Police in the Seine district, the regulations could 
be enforced only with respect to Negroes, who might be dis- 
tinguished by the pigmentation of their skin. But how was a Jew 
to be told apart from another Frenchman? 

Partly as an answer to the puzzled prefect, Adolph Eichmann, 
Chief of the Jewish Department of the Gestapo in Berlin, pro- 
posed at a conference with experts on Jewish affairs held in the 
capital on March 4, 1942, that the Jewish badge be introduced 
in all occupied countries. In accord with this suggestion and 
upon direct instructions of Himmler, Helmuth Knochen, Chief 
of German Security Police in the Occupied Zone of France 
(Northern France) and in Belgium, sent invitations to experts on 
Jews in France, Belgium, and Holland to convene in Paris on the 
fourteenth of March. Knochen intended to proceed without de- 
lay, but obstacles developed virtually from the start and in the 
most unforeseen places. Vichy, upon whom the Germans could 
rely on any number of issues, appeared completely unco-opera- 
tive. Xavier Vallat, Commissioner on Jewish Aifairs, balked at 
the notion of the Jewish badge. To the SS representative, Cap- 
tain Dannecker, who reproached him for his vacillating stand, 
Vallat said: "I am an anti-Semite of a much older vintage than 
you! On that score, I could be your father!" It was with con- 
siderable relief, therefore, that the German Ambassador to 
Vichy, Otto Abetz, reported to Berlin on March 3 1 that the un- 
co-operative Vallat had been removed from his post. However, 
the new commissioner, Darquier de Pellepoix, proved hardly 
more tractable. 

Even as the battle of the badge raged in France, opposition 
reared its head in Belgium, where two German generals who 
were in charge of military administration in that country an- 
nounced they would not enforce the decree. Obviously some- 
thing had to be done about Brigadier General Eggert Reder and 
General von Falkenhausen. 

While the procedure in France and Belgium bogged down in 
recriminations and negotiations, the German authorities decided 


to go ahead with the introduction of the badge in Holland, where 
the decree was published on April 27, 1942. 

On June 3, 1942, the German military commander in France 
finally issued the long-disputed order directing all Jews six years 
of age and over to wear, on the left side of the chest, the yellow 
hexagram the size of a man's palm with the inscription Juif 
(Jew). Belgium reluctantly fell into line. In the Free Zone of 
France, however, the badge was not enforced until November 
1 1 of that year, when the area was occupied by the Germans. 

On the day it was introduced in France, according to eye- 
witness reports, people exchanged kisses with wearers of the 
badge, offered them seats in public vehicles; priests uncovered 
their heads before them. A large number of Frenchmen appeared 
in public displaying yellow handkerchiefs in their breast pockets, 
carrying bouquets of yellow flowers, or toying with small yel- 
low stars. Students devised ways of ridiculing the German de- 
cree. The Nazis struck back, arresting a large number of 
"saboteurs" and exiling them to concentration camps, where they 
wore white armbands with the inscription "Jew-Friend" (Ami 
de Juifs) . German police reports from various French cities con- 
firmed the fact that the attitude of the Gentile population toward 
the badge was no less hostile elsewhere than in Paris. 

On June 7, 1942, Jewish war veterans pinned on their Stars, 
in addition to their military decorations, and paraded along Paris 
boulevards to the applause and cheers of large crowds. Groups 
of non-Jews promenaded in the streets, displaying the badge on 
their buttocks. A high dignitary of the Catholic church, Mon- 
signor Chaptal, Auxiliary Bishop of Paris, whose mother was 
Jewish, put on a Star and led a public procession to the police 
station, where he planned to register as a Star-bearer. Priests and 
nuns of Jewish descent, exempted from wearing the badge in 
France, appeared on the streets displaying the yellow Star. 
Everywhere the people of France greeted and applauded the 

In order to divide the Jewish populace and the opposition, 


the Nazis decided to make small concessions. They exempted 
10,000 Jews who were citizens of neutral countries from wearing 
the badge. Exemptions were also granted to distinguished French 
citizens of Jewish descent, among them the famous writer 
Madame Colette, the widow of Henri Bergson, the wife of the 
Vichy Ambassador, Madame de Brinon, and others. This still 
left 100,000 Jews who were ordered to put on the Star. 

With the sweeping decree published, several textile firms were 
engaged to prepare 400,000 badges. The large number ordered 
Was not due to any desire on the part of the Germans to give the 
moribund French textile industry the stimulus it badly needed; 
the round figures were come by as a result of thorough study 
carried on in Berlin, where it was concluded that each French 
Jew possessed at least three garments, in addition to an overcoat. 
When the time came for distribution, the Germans found to 
their dismay that the supply exceeded the demand. Only 83,000 
Stars were claimed. The rest remained in the warehouses. 

In the Low Countries, Holland and Belgium, opposition to 
the badge was instantaneous and strong. In Holland, many non- 
Jews appeared in public wearing the Star. Clergymen denounced 
it from pulpits. In Belgium, a Rexist newspaper in Brussels be- 
moaned the opposition to the badge. According to the pro-Nazi 
paper, Belgian teachers were carrying on an insidious campaign 
in the classrooms, informing their pupils that the Star was a mark 
of distinction. Shopkeepers in Antwerp sold Stars in the Belgian 
national colors. College students everywhere pinned them on. 
their clothing. In Brussels, on the first Sunday after the introduc- 
tion of the badge, the streets were filled with a be-Starred 

In Denmark, King Christian X voiced the attitude of his people 
when he declared: "The Jews are a part of the Danish nation. 
We have no Jewish problem in our country because we never 
had an inferiority complex in relation to the Jews. If the Jews 
are forced to wear the yellow Star, I and my whole family shall 


wear it as a badge of honor." The badge was not introduced in 

In the satellite country of Croatia, the Germans encountered 
strong opposition from the clergy, particularly from Archbishop 
Alois Stepinac, who in other respects failed to show any opposi- 
tion to German-Croatian collaboration. The bishop's ire was 
aroused when the Nazis ordered two priests and six nuns in his 
archdiocese to wear the Star of David because they were of Jew- 
ish descent. Even after the Germans had rescinded the order, 
Archbishop Stepinac declared from the pulpit: "I have ordered 
the priests and nuns to continue wearing this sign belonging to 
the people from whom the Savior came." 

The Nazis fared no better in Bulgaria, where the government 
opposed introduction of anti-Jewish legislation. In August of 
1942, the Germans finally prevailed. The publication of the de- 
cree resulted in mass protests and several public demonstrations. 
Minister of Justice Partoff maintained his opposition even after 
the law had been enacted; he asked the Commissioner for Jewish 
Affairs, Alexander Beleff, not to enforce the wearing of the Star. 

According to a report of a German official stationed in that 
country, Bulgarian authorities were completely remiss in carry- 
ing out and- Jewish laws. It appears that in October, 1942, only 
20 per cent of Sofia's Jews wore the insignia. Moreover, the 
manufacture of the Star was abruptly suspended by the govern- 
ment under the pretext that electric current was in short supply. 

In the other Axis satellite countries the badge was introduced 
much later than envisioned by the planners in Berlin, because 
of the vigorous opposition of the population. In some countries 
the wearing of the badge could not be enforced until the semi- 
independent governments were replaced by local Nazis or taken 
over by the Germans. The North-Italian government decreed 
the use of the badge in October, 1943; it appeared in Hungary 
after March of 1944. Romania, despite its long record of anti- 
Semitism, did not fall in line until 1943-44, when Festung Europa 


was beginning to show fissures. The badge was never worn in 

In view of the many disasters visited upon the Jews, the vig- 
orous opposition shown in some countries to the Jewish badge 
and the victories won as a result of that opposition may appear 
insignificant. But there is a lesson to be drawn from this, one 
that transcends the issue involved. Where a government and a 
people fought Nazi encroachments, first on a relatively minor 
issue such as the Star of David, and later on matters of life and 
death, many Jews were saved from extermination. Such were 
the experiences in Denmark, Finland, Bulgaria, and Italy. In 
France, almost 75 per cent of the Jews were saved, and a sub- 
stantial percentage of the Jewish population survived in Hungary 
and Romania also. 



The words Liberte, BgalitS, Fraternite, proclaimed by the French 
Revolution, served in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries as 
inspiration to many countries seeking a free and just life. Under- 
standably, those words and the principles they embodied came 
under the most savage attacks by Nazi philosophers, political 
leaders, and educators. 

In 1939, there lived in France approximately 300,000 Jews. 
Between 40,000 and 50,000 Jewish refugees from Holland and 
Belgium arrived in the country by 1940. After the collapse of 
the French Army, the country was divided into two zones: the 
northern, under German military occupation, and the southern, 
so-called Free Zone, the latter enjoying the fiction of possessing 
independent status under Marshall Petain in Vichy. In Novem- 
ber, 1942, the Germans, together with their Italian allies, oc- 
cupied the Free Zone. 

The attitude of the French population toward the invaders 
could not be anything but hostile. Nevertheless, soon after the 
Occupation, small groups of collaborationists and long-repressed 
quislings sprouted like weeds all over the land. A Nazi-sponsored 
press declared itself the true voice of the French people, and a 
subservient administration in Vichy tried ingratiating itself with 
the conquerors by reactionary and fascist gestures and a virulent 
anti- Jewish' policy. A Statute of Laws aimed at the Jews was 
promulgated, and a Commission on Jewish Affairs was created 
under the notorious anti-Semite, Xavier Vallat. 

From the point of view of the Nazi masters, everything was 
coming along well. The collaborationists in France, as elsewhere, 
were apt, and often eager, pupils. The "final solution" to the 



Jewish "question" appeared imminent. The local Fascists did not 
scruple to help in the solution; they demurred only when the 
Germans mentioned extermination as a way of solving the Jewish 
problem once and for all. Shocked at the naked brutality of the 
Nazis, the native Fascists balked. Couldn't the Germans settle 
for less than total extermination of the Jews? Would they agree 
to a "partial solution/' if, let us say, the -foreign Jews living in 
France were turned over to their tender mercies? 

The Germans readily agreed. The unappeasable seemed con- 
tent. They did not molest the French Jews until they had dis- 
posed of the foreign-born. 

Of the 350,000 Jews living in France in 1940, from 75,000 to 
90,000, according to varying estimates, were deported and killed. 
Thus, the number of Jews saved (about 75 per cent) was larger 
than in any other Nazi-controlled or satellite countries, except 
Finland, Bulgaria, Italy, and Denmark. Was this due to the 
policies of the Vichy government, the attitude of the French 
population, or the changeable fortunes of war? Was it because 
neutral Spain, Switzerland, and philo-Semitic Italy bordered 
France and its not easily accessible mountainous regions, where 
Jews could hide? Undoubtedly each of these factors played its 
part in the saving of Jews. If one were forced to settle on the 
most influential factor, however, he would have to choose the 
attitude of the French population. 

Although most Frenchmen, like the majority of the Christians 
in other lands occupied by the Nazis, remained silent witnesses 
to the ordeal suffered by the Jews, a militant, articulate minority 
soon became the voice and conscience of France. 

The Germans were quick to express their disappointment at 
the meager accomplishments of the French anti-Semites and 
collaborationists. The strident anti-Jewish propaganda carried 
on in France, even prior to World War II, by corrupt, venal 
politicians and journalists, the hysterical Jew-hatred of writers 
like Ferdinand Celine, Charles Maurras, the brothers Tharaud, 
and others, apparently did not impress most Frenchmen. In any 


case, the German Security Police Commander for Northern 
France and Belgium, Helmuth Knochen, stated petulantly in a 
report he submitted to his superiors in January, 1941: "It is al- 
most impossible to cultivate in Frenchmen anti-Jewish feeling 
based on ideological grounds." He recommended outright bribes 
and other "economic advantages" that would "more easily cre- 
ate sympathy for the anti-Jewish struggle." As a result, informers 
were recruited to point out Jews in the streets and find them in 
hiding places. The reward ranged from 100 to 500 francs per 
Jew, depending on the importance of the victim. 

But even economic incentives failed to produce the desired 
results. Heinz Roethke, Chief of the Jewish Section of the 
Gestapo, no longer could hide his disappointment. "It is neces-. 
sary," declared Roethke, "to associate French anti-Semites in 
our drive to flush out the camouflaged Jews. Money," he said, 
attacking the economic incentive theory, "should play no part 
in this." 

Home-grown Fascists complained as loudly as the Germans 
themselves at the failure of the anti- Jewish drive. The Chief of 
the Special Police of the Commission on Jewish Affairs reported 
in March, 1942, that his henchmen met with "incomprehension 
and even hostility. . . . The French population," he complained, 
"considers the anti-Jewish acts as something foreign, imposed 
upon us by German authorities." 

A year passed without any appreciable gains being made in 
the anti-Jewish drive. "The large majority of Aryans continues 
to demonstrate an exaggerated philo-Semitism," a police report 
stated. "Our control, so far as the movement of Jews is con- 
cerned, is nonexistent. They [the Jews] change their dwellings 
constantly and camouflage themselves with the complicity of 
almost the total Aryan population." 

In many instances, the Police for Jewish Affairs obtained only 
the most grudging co-operation from the regular police, the 
gendarmerie, and the civilian administration. Numerous reports 
from headquarters and from the regional offices of the PJA in 


Paris, Marseilles, Bordeaux, Limoges, Clermont-Ferrand, Lyons, 
Nice, and Toulouse complained about a total disregard of their 
orders and requests on the part of the regional prefects. "They 
do not apply the [legal] sanctions we ask for [against the Jews] . 
. . . Many Jews [after their detention] escape from precints 
and offices of prefects, or even from offices of the central ad- 
ministration in Vichy. ... In many instances, Jews are warned 
of imminent arrest, house searches, and raids which we are re- 
quired to carry out [against them]." That these complaints had 
some basis in fact is illustrated by the following: A Jew with 
forged Aryan papers was caught in the streets of Lyons and 
brought to the police station. There he was abandoned by the 
arresting officer, who left abruptly without making any charges. 
The head of the police precinct, instead of imprisoning the man, 
inquired: "Why didn't you come directly to me with your 
problem? I would have helped you." 

In 1942, the Nazis, impatient at their lack of progress toward 
their cherished final solution, planned a massive raid in Paris for 
the purpose of rounding up the 22,000 Jews still at large in the 
city. With characteristic lack of taste they chose July 14 
Bastille Day, a holiday revered by all Frenchmen for their ac- 
tion. On the advice of a high Nazi officer the raid was postponed 
two days. Members of the French police and administration who 
got wind of the plans warned the Jews of the coming raid. Jew- 
ish passers-by were approached by policemen and advised to 
hide. But despite the warnings and the help extended by many 
well-meaning and courageous Frenchmen, approximately 11,000 
Jews were seized, among them 4,000 children. The brutality 
displayed by the Germans shocked all France, and numerous 
French officials began to voice open defiance. 

According to a cable to the London Times in September of 
1942, the military commander of Lyons, General de St. Vincent, 
refused flatly to obey an order from Vichy for mass arrests of 
Jews in the Free Zone. The general was summarily dismissed. 
Another Times cable of February, 1943, reported the arrest of 


400 policemen and the execution of a score of them; the charge 
against them was refusal to round up and arrest foreign Jews. 
In Nice, occupied by the Italians, Andre Chaigneau, newly ap- 
pointed Prefect of Police, invited to his offices representatives 
of the Jewish community for the purpose of expressing his regret 
at the anti-Jewish laws. "I will not allow any arbitrary acts 
against the Jews in my department," he declared, "nor will I 
leave the privilege of defending Jews to the Italians." 

A French-Jewish historian, Leon Poliakov, himself a survivor 
of the Nazi holocaust in France, tells of the aid given Jews by 
thousands of Frenchmen, Dutch, and Belgians: "The camoufles 
in France and the onderduikers in Holland ran into the tens of 
thousands. Numerous clandestine organizations in these countries 
helped supply funds to the camoufles. Jews and non-Jews co- 
operated in this effort. Veritable factories for the manufacture 
of false identification papers operated in the large cities. Hiding 
Jews became a subsidiary activity of the Resistance movements. 
Across the Alps and the Pyrenees, along the hazardous routes, 
Dutch, Belgian, and French Jews were convoyed by the thou- 
sands to Switzerland or to Spain." Peasants, workmen, and pro- 
fessionals were part of the great network created for the purpose 
of rescuing the Jews. There were as well, among those who 
helped the humble and obscure, many men whose names are 
illustrious throughout the world. And famous French writers, 
both at home and abroad, cried out their sympathy for the 
persecuted Jews Jacques Maritain, Paul Claudel, Francois 
Mauriac; the Leftist writers Paul Elouard and Louis Aragon; 
the existentialist, Jean-Paul Sartre; the eminent and venerable 
Romain Rolland; Andre Malraux, Antoine de Saint-Exupery; 
the survivor of Nazi concentration camps, David Rousset, and 

Nor was the French Underground remiss in its role as a res- 
cuer of Jews. The popular Resistance periodical Combat gave 
voice to French indignation in its issue of April 24, 1943: "At 
a time when. France stands sickened with horror as a result of 


the monstrous treatment accorded the Jews whom Vichy is 
delivering like cattle to the Germans . . . when innocent men go 
to their death . . . their children abandoned . . . when the cream 
of the French people are opening their doors to these unfortu- 
nate children who will never again see their parents . . . when 
priests are flung into prisons for protecting from German bes- 
tiality those children whose only crime is being Jewish, Combat 
raises its voice in vehement protest Foreign Jews are suffer- 
ing and enduring martyrdom We warn their tormentors, 

German or French! One day you will be brought to account!" 

The Jews of France, eager to strike back, turned to the 
Underground in large numbers and were accepted on an equal 
basis in the French Resistance movement. Separate, exclusively 
Jewish Resistance groups or partisan units were rather few in 
France. The French-Jewish writer David Knout, himself a 
member of the Resistance, estimates Jewish participation in 
French fighting units during the early stages of the Occupation 
at about 33 per cent, and in groups such as Combat and Libene 
at about 20 per cent. 

Non- Jewish Resistance leaders were completely objective in 
their treatment of the Jewish members of their group, particu- 
larly when it came to assigning tasks to them. One of the first 
to be parachuted into France, in October, 1941, was a Jew 
named Riviere, known in the Resistance by the names "Ram- 
bert" or "Ronsard." Another Jew, Tayar, an expert in news 
transmission, was assigned to organize the clandestine radio 
center in Lyons. Jews who were qualified were permitted to 
reach positions of leadership. One of the leaders in the organiza- 
tion of the entire information network of the French Under- 
ground was a Jew, Colonel Manuel The writer Marc Bloch was 
head of the information network for the region of Clermont- 
Ferrand and Limoges. Denise Mitrani, author of the book Roseau 
<P evasion, was one of the chief agents of VIC, an English organi- 
zation that aided people who desired to escape France. The 
talented French poet, Francois Vernet, chief of the United 


Resistance Movement (MUR) laboratory for forging docu- 
ments, was a Salonikan Jew whose real name was Albert Sciaky. 

Among the followers of General de Gaulle were George Boris 
(Goldenberg) and Lt. Jacques Bingen, who organized the Free 
French merchant marine in North Africa. Pierre Mendes-France, 
arrested by the Germans in North Africa, escaped in time to 
become a bomber pilot with the Free French forces. The Under- 
ground group Franc Tireur was founded by Jean-Pierre Levy 
(Lenoir). Among the half dozen founders of Liberation, three 
were Jews. The secretary general of Combat was a Jew, Bernard, 
junior. After he was seized and deported, his sister Jacqueline 
took his place. Two Jews of world renown, Leon Blum and 
Daniel Mayer, actively fought the Germans. The aging Blum, 
several times premier of his country, was flung into a concentra- 
tion camp after a mock trial by the Nazis. Daniel Mayer eluded 
the Germans and served with the Underground until the end of 
the war. 

A story that well illustrates the important role of Jews in the 
French Resistance and the excellent relations between all those 
comprising the many groups is told by Leon Poliakov: a French 
duke came to London to join the Free French volunteers. The 
duke was advised to change his name in order to protect his 
family at home from German reprisals. The titled Frenchman 
agreed, and selected for himself the name of Levy as a gesture 
of solidarity with the Levys, Cohens, Blocks, and Greenbergs 
who in turn had adopted such Underground names as Durand, 
Martine, and Vernet. 

The clergy of France, Catholic and Protestant alike, played a 
role second to none in their opposition to the anti- Jewish decrees 
and in their rescue activities on behalf of the persecuted. The 
highest dignitaries of the Catholic church in France early con- 
demned the Nazi war of extermination against the Jews. The 
Archbishop of Toulouse, later elevated to Cardinal, Monsignor 


Jules Gerard Saliege, stated in his famous letter of August 23, 
1942: "There is a Christian morality . . . that confers rights and 
imposes duties. These duties and these rights come from God. 
One can violate them. But no mortal has the power to suppress 
them. Alas, it has been destined for us to witness the dreadful 
spectacle of children, women, and old men being treated like 
vile beasts; of families being torn apart and deported to unknown 
destinations ... In our diocese, frightful things take place in the 
camps Noe and Recebedou . . . The Jews are our brethren. They 
belong to mankind. No Christian dare forget that! . . . France, 
my beloved land; France, which cherishes in the conscience of 
all its children the tradition of respect for the individual; France, 
the generous and chivalrous France is not responsible for these 

The Bishop of Montauban, Monsignor Pierre-Marie Theas 
instructed the priests in his diocese to read the following urgent 
message: "My dear brethren: Scenes of indescribable suffering 
and horror are abroad in our land ... In Paris, by tens of thou- 
sands, Jews are being subjected to the most barbarous treat- 
ment. In our district we are witnessing wretched spectacles of 
families being uprooted, of men and women being treated like 
beasts and later deported ... to face the gravest perils. I indig- 
nantly protest in the name of Christian conscience and proclaim 
that all men ... are brothers, created by the same God . . . The 
current anti-Semitic measures are a violation of human dignity 
and the sacred rights of the individual and the family. May God 
comfort and strengthen those who are persecuted." 

The Bishop of Montauban was eventually deported, but other 
churchmen rose in their pulpits to voice the indignation of an 
outraged people. The Primate of France and Archbishop of 
Lyons, Cardinal Gerlier, defied the authorities with his letter of 
sympathy to the Grand Rabbi of France, after the crude Nazi 
attempt to burn the synagogues of Paris in October, 1941. 
Subsequently, in pastoral letters to the Catholics of France, Car- 
dinal Gerlier called upon them to refuse to surrender to the 


authorities the hidden children of deported Jews. Moreover, he 
violently protested against the anti- Jewish atrocities and deporta- 
tions, and enjoined French Catholics to give the victims every 

Similar letters of protest were issued by bishops Delay of 
Marseilles, Moussaron of Albi, and Rernond of Nice. A joint 
declaration, initiated by Cardinal [Suhard], Archbishop of Paris, 
in July of 1942 and submitted to Marshal Petain, stated: "We 
are profoundly shocked by the mass arrests and the inhuman 
treatment of the Jews at the Velodrome d'Hiver [in Paris] ." 

The Protestant church, though smaller than the Catholic, was 
no less active in its expressions of indignation and offers of aid. 
Marc Boegner, President of the National Council of the Re- 
formed Church in France, wrote to the Grand Rabbi on March 
26, 1941: "The National Council . . . has authorized me to ex- 
press to you our feelings of indignation at the racial laws 
introduced in our country . . . Our Church feels a deep sympathy 
with your communities . . . and for your faithful followers . . . 
Our Church has undertaken certain courses of action. It will not 
be diverted in its endeavors to have the anti- Jewish laws re- 

German authorities and officials in Vichy appeared unmoved 
by protests from the churchmen. The population of France, on 
the other hand, took them to heart. How effective the appeals 
of the clergy were may be gauged by the venomous attack 
against the Catholic Church published by a pro-Nazi journalist, 
Jacques Marcy. "Every Catholic family shelters a Jew," Marcy 
declared in a quisling newspaper published in Lyons. "The 
French authorities provide Jews with false identification papers 
and passports. Priests help them across the Swiss frontier. In 
Toulouse, Jewish children have been concealed in Catholic 
schools; the civilian Catholic officials receive intelligence of a 
scheduled deportation of Jews, advise a great number of the 
refugee Jews about it, and the result is that about 50 per cent 
of the^desirables^scape." Moreover, protested the collabora- 


tionist newsman, "Catholic teachers distributed copies of a pas- 
toral letter of Archbishop Saliege against the deportation." 

The fulminations of this writer exaggerated the real state of 
affairs. Nevertheless, it was true the final solution, so dear to 
the Nazi hearts, was not proceeding according to plan. "In a 
general way," says a police report of November, 1943, "the 
situation on the religious front remains unchanged . . . The 
clergy continues, as in the past, to disapprove of the anti-Jewish 
laws, under the pretense of Christianity." 

# 3f # * * 

The Church did not content itself with exhortations to the 
faithful; it solemnly urged them to act. Archbishop Gerlier 
himself sponsored and supported the activities of the anti-Nazi 
Christian Friendship (UAmitie Chretienne) which, under the 
brilliant leadership of the Jesuit Father Pierre Chaillet, fought 
anti-Semitism and rescued many Jews. 

Father Chaillet, hero of the French Resistance, was also busy 
publishing the Underground paper Letters of Christian Evidence 
(Cahiers du Temoignage Chretien) with a circulation of about 
50,000 copies. But he found time to haunt the street of Lyons 
in search of abandoned Jewish children, whom he hid. Once he 
discovered four children huddling in a cave, half-dead from star- 
vation and trembling with fear. He led the children to a monas- 
tery, where they were sheltered with several hundred others. On 
another occasion, Father Chaillet collected and hid a dozen 
Jewish children whose parents had been deported. He rescued 
thirty Jewish children from French police stations, where they 
had been brought for questioning. He prepared forged docu- 
ments for the waifs and dispatched young bicyclists to surround- 
ing villages with an appeal to French peasants, who responded 
by sheltering the children and even "adopting" them until the 
end of the Occupation. Few of the Jewish "peasant" children 
were betrayed. In September, 1942, the Prefect of Police de- 
manded from Father Chaillet the surrender of 120 Jewish chil- 


dren reported hidden by the Jesuits. Chaillet refused and was 
supported in this action by Cardinal Gerlier. The priest was 
jailed, but the children were spirited away and distributed among 
Christian families in the nearby villages. 

Father Chaillet's place was taken by others. One of Cardinal 
Gerlier's co-workers, Abbe Alexander Glasberg, succeeded in 
rescuing 2,000 Jews from French concentration camps. In addi- 
tion, Glasberg organized a home for Jewish teen-agers, conceal- 
ing sixty-five of them in the mountains. Cardinal Gerlier's 
secretary and chief adviser on Jewish affairs, Abbe Glasberg, 
was a Ukrainian Jew, born in 1902. He left Russia during 
the Russian Revolution and came to Paris. Embracing Cathol- 
icism, he entered a theological seminary and was ordained. 
During World War II this fearless and energetic man put aside 
all his work and devoted himself to rescue activities. Even after 
the Liberation his work on behalf of the Jews did not cease; 
he aided Jewish survivors and assisted illegal emigrants to 

In an interview held after the war with a correspondent of 
the Jewish- American newspaper Forward, Glasberg, who speaks 
Yiddish fluently, said: "I am not a hero ... I accomplished no 
heroic deeds . . . The two thousand Jews I helped rescue . . . this 
was a drop in the ocean. Six million Jews were killed . . ." And 
he added wistfully: "We could have rescued many more if 
we'd had more money." 

Important rescue work was carried on by a Catholic mission- 
ary organization, the Fathers of Our Lady of Zion (Peres de 
Notre Dame de Sion.) At the head of this group was the Rev- 
erend Father Superior Charles Devaux, who is credited with sav- 
ing 443 Jewish children and 500 adults. At the end of 1942, 
Father Devaux organized a temporary shelter for his wards on 
Rue Notre Dame de Champs. From there he sent the children to 
many parts of the country, where they found temporary homes 
with workmen's families, among peasants, in convents and mon- 
asteries. The expenses were provided for by the group. When 


the relief work grew beyond their modest means, they solicited 
and received money from individuals, Jews and non-Jews alike, 
and from various organizations. The Gestapo were irked by the 
clergyman's ceaseless activities on behalf of the Jews. They 
summoned Father Devaux and cited a long list of his offenses. 
Theodor Dannecker, SS officer noted as a hangman of French 
Jews, personally dealt with Devaux. He slapped the priest's face 
as an initial warning, and cautioned him to cease helping Jews or 
accept the consequences. Father Devaux returned to his rescue 
work. In 1945, the brave priest was interviewed by a Jewish 
journalist who asked him whether he had not been aware of the 
great danger involved in his rescue activities. Father Devaux's 
answer was simple: "Of course I knew it, but this knowledge 
could not stop me from doing what I considered to be my duty 
as a Christian and a human being." 

Pastor Vergara was a Protestant clergyman. During the mas- 
sive raid staged by the Germans on July 16, 1942, when they 
seized 11,000 Jews, Vergara, assisted by his wife and several 
devoted followers, appeared at a concentration camp and boldly 
demanded to see the officer in charge. When the German officer 
came to the gate, he found himself staring down at a small man 
with ruffled gray hair and protruding cheekbones, accompanied 
by several women. Vergara reached into his pocket and pulled 
out an "order" for the release of Jewish children held at the 
camp. The order, bearing an official Gestapo mark, was a 
forgery, the pastor's handiwork. The officer in charge hesitated, 
but finally complied. Seventy Jewish children were placed at 
Vergara's disposal. With the aid of Father Chaillet and Devaux, 
Vergara distributed the children among Gentile families. The 
Gestapo, learning of the deception, raided Vergara's house but 
did not find him. Frustrated, the Germans seized the pastor's 
son-in-law and killed him. Mme. Vergara was tortured and their 


son deported. But Pastor Vergara, as soon as he came out of 
hiding, resumed his rescue work. 

The legendary Father Marie-Benoit, or Padre Benedetti, as 
he was briefly known, was born in the French village of Bourg 
dire, Maine-et-Loire. He entered the Capuchin Order, served 
five years in World War I, and was wounded at Verdun. 
After the war he continued his studies at the Capuchin College 
in Rome, received a doctorate in theology, and while still a young 
man, won recognition as a scholar of Hebrew and Judaism. His 
theoretical interest in Jewish affairs changed abruptly to the 
practical when Hitler invaded France. 

Gifted with exceptional ability as an organizer and almost 
inexhaustible energy, the black-bearded, brown-robed Capuchin 
priest transformed the monastery at 51, Rue Croix-de-Regnier, 
Marseilles, into a rescue agency. A busy passport mill, located 
in the cellar of the monastery, fabricated and distributed hun- 
dreds of identification cards, certificates of baptism, employers* 
recommendations, and other documents. Procedures were set up 
for smuggling Jews and anti-Nazi refugees into Spain and Swit- 
zerland. The smugglers on both sides of the well-guarded fron- 
tiers demanded and received exorbitant prices. Various Jewish 
organizations and the French Resistance were solicited for funds. 

Father Marie-Benoit's burgeoning enterprise could not long 
remain a secret from the Gestapo, but the suspicions of the 
Germans only complicated his work; they did not halt it. The 
first serious blow occurred with the German occupation of the 
Free Zone, which included the city of Marseilles, where most of 
Benoit's rescue centers were operating. Further smuggling forays 
into Spain and Switzerland were now out of the question. There 
was only one avenue of escape still open, the Riviera and Haute- 
Savoie, occupied by Germany's vacillating ally, Italy. Father 
Benoit, aware of the little time that stood between the Jews and 
annihilation, went to Nice in a desperate search for allies. He 


met with representatives of the Union of French Jews (Union 
Generate des Israelites de France, UGIF) and several important 
Italian officials, and laid before them his bold rescue plan. 
Almost immediately the complicated transfer from Marseilles to 
the Italian Zone was arranged. Thousands of Jews began to cross 
the demarcation line. 

The Germans, alarmed at the loss of prospective candidates 
for their gas chambers, protested the illegal traffic streaming 
across the line. No less a personage than Foreign Minister 
J(MN^m>nn Ribbentrop saw fit to complain about this matter 
to Mussolini. The Italian dictator agreed to give the problem 
his immediate attention, and appointed a Commissioner for Jew- 
ish Affairs, Guido Lospinoso, with the rank of general and with 
headquarters in Nice. 

Father Benoit's enterprise appeared doomed, but he was the 
last one in the organization to show any concern. He decided 
to counter Ribbentrop's move with one of his own. Through 
the intercession of the aged Jesuit, Father Bremont of Nice, he 
met a person of influence, the Jewish-Italian financier, Angelo 
Donati. After a long conversation which both men found fruit- 
ful, they decided to call on General Lospinoso. There is no 
record of their conversation, and we do not know how Musso- 
lini's Commissioner for Jewish Affairs was won over to the side 
of the man who was supposed to be his implacable foe. It is 
entirely possible that Lospinoso agreed to co-operate out of his 
own deep sympathy for the persecuted Jews, But there is also 
no doubt that he was captivated by Benoit's eloquence, broad 
humanity, and dedication. He promised to do everything he 
could to alleviate the plight of the Jews. 

With Donati and Lospinoso co-operating, the smuggling of 
Jews was resumed on a formidable scale. The Gestapo and their 
French collaborators pounced on the fleeing Jews, but they could 
hardly stem the massive exodus. A new protest against the priest 
was lodged in Rome. Several days later, Father Marie-Benoit was 
summoned to appear in the Italian capital. 


The fate of 50,000 Jews who subsisted in the South of France, 
constantly threatened with deportation, hung in the balance. 
While the Jews were understandably apprehensive, Father 
Benoit hardly had time to worry over being summoned to Rome 
to be censured. A new plan of action was maturing in his brain, 
and this prompted him to seek an audience with the Pope soon 
after arriving in Rome. His request granted, Benoit appeared 
before the Holy See to plead his new rescue scheme. His plan 
embodied the following: i. gathering information concerning 
the whereabouts of Jews deported from France to the East, 
particularly to Upper Silesia whence the most dreadful news 
had begun to arrive about a camp named Auschwitz; 2. obtain- 
ing more humane treatment of Jews in French concentration 
camps; 3. facilitating repatriation of Spanish Jews who were 
residing in France; 4. transferring 50,000 French Jews to 
Morocco, Algiers, and Tunisia where, in view of Allied military 
successes, they would be safe, instead of bringing them to Italy. 

Although the Vatican was favorably impressed with Father 
Benoit and his bold scheme, the plan was not worth much unless 
some of the belligerents, namely the Italian government on the 
one side and the British and American on the other, agreed to 
co-operate. Realizing this, Father Benoit began the delicate 
negotiations without delay. He had little difficulty in reaching 
the British Ambassador and the United States representative at 
the Vatican. Both diplomats listened to his rescue scheme and 
promised to interest their governments. Delay was feared when 
Mussolini was deposed on July 26, 1943, but Badoglio's govern- 
ment, which replaced the Duce, readily agreed to Benoit's plan, 
promising to supply four ships for the transport of the Jews. 
Israel Yefroykin, representative of the American Joint Distribu- 
tion Committee, pledged to finance the project. Word was 
received from the British government that it was favorably 
disposed toward this operation and would place no obstacles in 
its path. 

By September, 1943, all arrangements had been completed. 


Approximately 30,000 French Jews in the Italian Zone were 
poised for flight. But the grandiose project was not destined to 
succeed. With the surrender of the Badoglio government to 
the Allies, German troops swept into the Italian Zone and the 
thousands of Jews fled in panic across the Alps to Italy and 

Undaunted by the collapse of his grand scheme, Father Benoit, 
aided by the Vatican, prevailed upon the Spanish government 
to authorize its consuls in France to issue entry permits to all 
Jews who could prove Spanish nationality. Operating procedure 
was established, and in case of doubt about an applicant's 
nationality, final decision was to be in the hands of an impartial 
arbiter. In view of the fact that Father Marie-Benoit was named 
impartial arbiter, many Jews were rescued by the Spanish entry 
permits. But Benoit's days in the South of France were num- 
bered. The Gestapo laid out its nets carefully, determined to 
capture him. Although Benoit eluded the Germans, he was 
finally prevailed upon by his colleagues to leave France. He 
transferred his activities to Italy, where he gained fame as 
Padre BenedettL 

North Italy was in the Gestapo's grip when Benoit went there. 
He had to move gingerly to avoid arrest. But he plunged into 
rescue work immediately, accepting the leadership of the Com- 
mittee to Assist Jewish Emigrants (Delegaziowe Assistanza Emi~ 
grati Ebreij DELASEM), whose director had been arrested by 
the Germans. The Committee had gone underground some time 
before, and the International College of Capuchins at 159 Via 
Siciliano now became their headquarters. A mill was set up for 
the manufacture of false documents. Contact was established 
with friendly Italian, Swiss, Hungarian, French, and Romanian 
officials. Soon hundreds of Jews who had been living in terror 
were provided by Padre Benedetti with new documents that 
established them as Aryan Romanians, Hungarians, or Swiss. 
Since approximately 3,000 Jews with forged documents had to 
be provided with food-ration cards, Padre Benedetti's mill was 


kept working day and night. And he worked day and night too, 
scorning dangers of which others constantly warned him. Alcide 
de Gasperi, the late Prime Minister of Italy, at that time an 
official in the Vatican library, was one of many who cautioned 
Benoit to be more careful. Even the arrest and torture of his close 
co-worker, Brigadier de Marco of the Italian police, failed to 
divert the priest from his work. Subsequent Gestapo raids 
deprived him of his three Jewish colleagues: Steven Schwamm, 
Aaron Kascherstein, and Aba Formanski. Several more arrests 
decimated the leadership of the group, and Benoit-Benedetti 
reluctantly went into hiding. The time was early 1945; the war 
was almost over. His work was nearly done. 

Father Benoit was one of a score of giants who strode across 
the slaughterhouse that was Occupied Europe, aiding those 
whom the rest of the world cynically abandoned to the Nazi 
guillotine. France has bestowed numerous honors upon him, as 
have many of those he helped rescue. An honor he claims to 
cherish most is the nickname: "Father of the Jews." 



The Nazi decrees against the Jews aroused deep resentment 
among the Dutch. The so-called "laws" aimed at the Jewish 
minority" were considered by many as the prelude to a lawless- 
ness that would eventually jeopardize the rights and freedoms 
of every Netherlander. Thus, rejection of the anti-Semitic 
legislation foisted on them by the occupying power was an 
important aspect of non-co-operation among all strata of the 
population. Opposition to and- Jewish measures became one of 
the criteria for patriotism. 

An early test of strength between the Dutch and their tor- 
mentors occurred late in 1940 when the Nazis prohibited the 
appointment or promotion of Jewish officials, ordered the dis- 
missal of Jewish teachers, and introduced special benches for 
Jewish students. The Protestant churches reacted vigorously by 
lodging a protest with the German Reichskomissar. A distin- 
guished educator, Professor R. P. Cleevringa, Dean of the Uni- 
versity of Leyden, protested against the dismissal of his Jewish 
colleague, the prominent lawyer Professor E. M. Meijers. The 
dean was banished to a concentration camp as an object lesson 
to the rebellious Netherlander Far from being intimidated, the 
students of Leyden University, joined by others from colleges 
throughout the country, went on strike. The Amsterdam Stfr- 
denten Corps voted dissolution rather than ban its Jewish mem- 
bers. The Christian Students' Association also dissolved as an 
expression of protest. 

On February 9, 1941, the Nazis provoked the first of the 
anti-Jewish riots in the city of Amsterdam, where 70,000 of 
their intended victims lived. The Nazis counted on the usual 



stage-managed pogrom carried out by local goons, directed by 
a few SS men. They did not expect the Jews to strike back. 
They did not expect aroused Dutch workmen in Amsterdam 
and other cities to put down their tools, thus paralyzing the 
nation. The romp that turned into a savage battle and ended 
in a humiliating defeat for the attackers started early in the 
morning on February 9. A mob of collaborationist members of 
the Dutch National Socialist party, accompanied by German 
soldiers, marched noisily through the streets of Amsterdam 
towards the Jewish neighborhood. Roaring insults at all those 
they suspected of being Jewish, they held their wrath until 
arrival at their destination. There they smashed windows in cafes, 
and homes, attacked Jewish passers-by, dragged their victims 
from moving trolleys. It required some hours for the victims to 
get over the shock. Then, slowly, the Jews of Amsterdam, aided 
by Christians, stormed back at the invading hoodlums. A savage 
battle raged throughout the Jewish quarter until the invaders 
were forced to give ground and retreat. But they returned in the 
evening, their depleted ranks filled by reinforcements from the 
city's underworld. Now the Jews of Amsterdam were prepared. 
Every scrap of iron had been commandeered to create a meager 
arsenal. Knuckle-dusters and other "weapons" were collected 
and distributed among the fighters, many of whom were factory 
workers and longshoremen. Patrols consisting of both Jewish and 
non-Jewish workers stood ready to defend Jewish shops. Chris- 
tian physicians pledged their aid. The hoodlums struck, were 
repulsed, and returned two days later for another assault. The 
defenders retaliated. Of the attackers, approximately 50 per 
cent were wounded. There were dead on both sides. 

Discarding their false role as interested observers and amused 
outsiders, the Germans confronted the weary and outnumbered 
Jewish defenders with three battalions of police. (The Dutch 
police were not involved in this action.) The police battalions, 
armed with automatic weapons and tanks, were met by the Jew- 
ish knokploegen (fighting units) whose weapons consisted of 


little more than iron pipes and curses. The Germans inflicted 
heavy casualties on the Jews, sealed off the Jewish quarter in the 
old city with barbed wire, and posted guards around it. They 
raised the two drawbridges connecting that quarter with other 
sectors of the city. On the same day, several prominent Jews 
were summoned to appear before the German commander of 
Amsterdam, and instructed to form a Jooden-Raad (Jewish 
Council) on the familiar pattern established by the Nazis in 
all the ghettos in Poland and elsewhere. The Council's initial 
task was to order the surrender of all weapons without delay. 
The Jooden-Raad complied, but the Jews of Amsterdam refused 
to give up their arms. 

A new outbreak of violence on February 19 gave the Germans 
the opportunity for which they had been waiting. They sur- 
rounded the isolated Jewish quarter and seized 425 young Jews 
in the streets and deported them to the Mauthausen concentra- 
tion camp in Austria. 

Dutch public opinion was outraged. In Amsterdam 2,200 
workmen went out on strike. Before long, the strike movement 
spread to other plants in the city and elsewhere. The unprece- 
dented mass action, while a direct result of the deportation of 
Jews, was also Dutch labor's warning that it was determined 
to fight conscription of man power to be sent to Germany. 

The strike paralyzed railway yards, street railways, ship- 
building and other basic industries. Its effectiveness surprised 
the most optimistic among the labor leaders. It also surprised 
and astonished the Germans, who reacted with characteristic 
ferocity, arresting workers indiscriminately, deporting them to 
concentration camps. 

The ineffectual and powerless Jooden-Raad was again sum- 
moned to appear before the German commander. The Nazis, 
having tried other measures to cope with the unprecedented 
action of the Dutch, now tried blackmail They warned mem- 
bers of the Jooden-Raad that 300 Jewish hostages would be taken 
unless the general strike were halted without delay. The Jewish 


"leaders" acquiesced, but they were hardly in a position to 
influence the course of a strike that affected all of Holland. 

Eventually the naked brutality of the Nazis prevailed. 
Although the strikers did not achieve their goal the release of 
425 Jews who had been seized they put the Germans on notice 
that Holland would not supinely bend its knee before a tyrant. 
The Nazis, for their part, loosed a reign of terror throughout 
the land and seized an additional 390 Jewish hostages. Of the 
total of more than 800 Jewish youths, only one survived to relate 
the terrible story of Mauthausen. 

In the fall of 1942, mass deportations of Jews began on a large 
scale. There were no neutral countries nearby where Jews 
might seek shelter, and Holland has no mountains or forests. 
The land is flat, like an open palm. The final solution for the 
Dutch Jews appeared close at hand. 

In one of the most unprecedented mass acts of the war, the 
Dutch people came forward to offer the Jews the only shelter 
available their homes. Thousands of Dutch families risked 
everything, including their lives, by hiding the Jews in their 
attics, hanging ceilings, walls, and cellars. Of the 40,000 Jews 
thus concealed, 15,000 survived; the rest were discovered and 
murdered by the Nazis, often along with those who had given 
them shelter. About 110,000, approximately 75 per cent of the 
Jewish population, were deported. 

In her diary that has now become celebrated throughout the 
world, the gifted young Anne Frank relates, among other things, 
the ingenious methods used in hiding Jews. As in the tragic 
Frank case, accidents were often responsible for the discovery 
of hiding places. The two families of noble and self-sacrificing 
Netherlander who helped the Franks were sent to concentra- 
tion camps. But not all the endings were tragic, as was testified 
by the experience of the Dutch grocer Leendert Hordijk, who 
sheltered five Jews in his home from 1942 to 1945. He contrived 


to hide his Jewish friends between the ceiling and the roof of 
his small house in Monnikendam, a community of 3,000. For 
three years, in addition to risking his life and the lives of the 
others in his large family, Hordijk shared with his guests the 
food from his meager rations. Like thousands of other Dutch- 
men, Hordijk was motivated by principle and a deep and abiding 
belief that, the Nazis to the contrary, man was created in the 
image of God. Like the thousands whose names we will never 
know, Leendert Hordijk, the grocer, did not dream of reward. 
(In 1951, an American-Jewish industrialist, Allen B. Rabin, 
invited the Hordijk family to come and live in America. The 
Dutch grocer accepted and came to the United States, accom- 
panied by his wife and five children. They settled on a farm in 
California, bought for them by the grateful American Jew who 
had read of their deeds during the war.) 

The deportations continued; long trains dragged their human 
cargo eastward to the extermination ovens that belched smoke 
day and night. The Dutch Resistance cried to every Hollander: 
"Fellow countrymen: The deportation of all Jewish citizens . . . 
is the final link in the long chain of inhuman measures ... It 
means the complete annihilation of the Jews . . . The Nether- 
lands has been deeply humiliated . . . We must prove our honor 
is not lost and our conscience not silenced . . . We ask our fellow 
Netherlanders to sabotage all preparations and executions of mass 
deportations. Remember the February strikes when an aroused 
people proved what it could do! We call upon burgomasters and 
high officials to risk their positions, if necessary, by refusing to 
co-operate with the Germans. We expect everyone in the posi- 
tion to do so to sabotage . . ." 

The acts of sabotage demanded by the Underground were 
carried on by a courageous few and on a small scale. The 
German military machine was still at the peak of its power, and 
retaliation was swift. But rescue work continued, by individuals 
and groups. Clandestine organizations flourished throughout the 
country: The National Organization To Help Those In Hiding 


(Landelijke Qrgamsatsie for Hulp aan Onderduikers); The 
Committee (Het Comte}, founded in 1942 by a group of 
Utrecht students who specialized in hiding Jewish children; 
Center for Identity Documents (Persoons Beivijs Centrale) who 
supplied many Jews with Aryan documents. One group assigned 
itself the odd task of helping the Jews of Rotterdam to establish a 
clandestine synagogue. 

After the Nazi invasion of Holland, the hakhsharah farm in 
Lundsrecht, which trained Jewish youths in agriculture prior 
to sending them to Palestine, formed a youth Underground of 
its own. At the head of this small Resistance group were one of 
the young teachers of the school, Joachim "Shushu" Simon, and 
his wife, Adina. With the aid of a number of friends, the Simons 
succeeded in establishing an underground railway to smuggle 
Jewish children to Switzerland, They were aided in this enter- 
prise by the Jewish Rescue Office in Geneva. Impatient with the 
snail's pace of his own work while the Nazis were kidnaping and 
deporting the flower of Jewish youth, Shushu evolved a daring 
new plan. He decided to strike out across the Pyrenees to 
Spain, from which Palestine is easier to reach than from Switzer- 
land. He ventured forth several times, leading groups of children 
across the heavily guarded borders of Holland and Belgium, 
through France, and across the rugged mountain ranges. The 
youthful Jewish teacher of agriculture became an ally of the 
night and was as swift and elusive as the wind. But he needed 
help he could take the children only in small groups and he 
appealed to the Dutch Socialist Underground. Among those who 
offered their assistance was a man named Joop Westerville, a 
principal in a Lundsrecht high school. Son of a pastor, Wester- 
ville was a noted educator and had spent six years as a teacher 
in, the Dutch East Indies (Indonesia), where he had urged the 
native population to rebel against their colonial masters. Back in 
Holland, he established the school of which he was in full charge 


when Shushu Simon and Menahem Pinkhoff met with him in 
August, 1942. The meeting was brief, and when it was over Joop 
Westerville was a member of the Underground. Though Joop 
was long past the first flush of youth the father of three chil- 
dren, a fourth on the way he was eager for his first journey 
across the many borders bristling with Nazi bayonets. 

Early in 1943, Shushu was captured by the Gestapo as he 
crossed the border from Belgium to the Netherlands. The Nazis 
demanded the names of his accomplices. He was subjected to 
the Gestapo treatment usually accorded those who chose to 
remain silent. His spirit as well as his body broken by the torture, 
Shushu slashed his veins. He died, having told nothing. 

Joop Westerville was thrust into the position of leadership. 
It was now his job to lead the Jewish children across the Low 
Countries and mountainous peaks of France and Spain. This 
became part of his everyday existence, and he dedicated himself 
to it fully. At the foot of the Pyrenees where he usually took 
leave of the young halutzim (Zionist pioneers), Westerville 
enjoined them not to forget their non-Jewish comrades, and 
reminded them that they were bound to all humanity. After 
four days and nights of travel, sometimes by train and horse 
cart, but mostly on foot, he would see his beloved Holland again 
and find another small group of Jewish youths waiting to make 
the hazardous journey. 

He was captured in the summer of 1944 when the Nazis, 
though still powerful, were beginning to reel from the blows 
of an aroused world. Westerville was flogged and sent to the 
Vught concentration camp. The Underground, which had come 
to rely on his brilliant leadership, felt his loss keenly. After many 
futile attempts, they established contact with the prisoner and 
evolved a plan for his rescue. Meanwhile, torture was part of 
Westerville's everyday diet in the carnp, the Gestapo displaying 
particular ferocity toward this Aryan who helped save Jews. 
One of the notes smuggled out to the Underground by a camp 
physician reveals Westerville's ordeal. "I was forced to remain 


on my feet from Thursday noon until Saturday noon without a 
break, my hands fettered and bound behind my back. I am in 
a tiny cell in a dark cellar . . . My daily food ration is four slices 
of bread and a bottle of tea." This note, and others now in the 
archives of the Historical Institute at the kibbutz of the Ghetto 
Fighters in Galilee, Israel, goes on to say: "They interrogate me, 
bind and beat me . . . Each question is accompanied by blows 
and kicks. This morning I was advised that I would be court- 
martialed. They asked me if I cared to write a letter to my wife. 
I started eagerly to write but they stopped me and resumed the 
questioning ... I have a moment of respite. But on Monday it 
will start all over again ... I will not reveal any names to them. 
I am certain of this. I still feel strong. At night when there is a 
respite from the torture, my wounds have a chance to heal. 
Mornings, when questioning resumes, I am rested and alert. 
I will remain silent. I am confident of this." 

The plans to rescue Westerville, so painstakingly prepared, 
were never carried out. The doctor who acted as liaison between 
the Dutch Underground and the prisoner was caught with the 
plan and executed. Joop Westerville was shot to death by the 
Germans in the woods near Vught. 

Two weeks after her country had been liberated from the 
Nazi plague, Westerville's widow wrote to friends in Palestine: 
"We were freed [from Ravensbrueck concentration camp] by 
the Red Cross and are now in Sweden. In September I shall 
go back to Holland. But what is my house to me? I have heard 
nothing of my children since August, 1944. Write me about 
life in Palestine; I am interested." 

The Dutch hehalutz survivors in Palestine remembered Joop 
Westerville. A forest of young trees was raised in his memory. 
And on the tenth anniversary of his death, a monument to him 
was erected in the state of Israel that his young friends had 
helped to establish. His widow came from Holland to attend the 


Of the approximately 45,000 Jews who in 1940 lived in 
Belgium, 25,000 were deported. The rest were snatched from 
Nazi deportation lists and death wagons, and hidden. Belgians 
from all walks of life joined in the great crusade, among them 
Dowager Queen Elizabeth, who rescued several hundred Jews. 
The Belgian police (Surete PubKque) developed a unique skill 
in non-co-operation, losing and misplacing files on Jews, forging 
and manufacturing documents for the victims. Two department 
chiefs of the Ministry of Justice, Cornil and Platteau, saved many 
Jews from deportation by intervening directly. The Ministry of 
Justice made substantial sums of money available for the Jewish 
Defense Committee (Comite Juif de Defense). Major E. Cal- 
berg, a high official in another government department (Food 
and Supply), persuaded the Red Cross to surrender to him 1,000 
food parcels, which he distributed to Jews in hiding. 

Jean Herinckx, formerly Governor of Brabant and, during 
the Occupation, Burgomaster of Uccle, defied the Nazis openly 
by intervening several times on behalf of Jews, particularly Jew- 
ish children facing deportation. His vigorous denunciation of the 
badge decreed by the Nazis as part of Jewish dress encouraged 
a conference of Belgian mayors meeting in Brussels to condemn 
it. In the capital, the departments of Public Service and Social 
Welfare refused to make any distinction between Jews and non- 
Jews applying for aid. The Department of Registry helped Jews 
to evade deportation by facilitating mixed marriages. Officials of 
municipalities freely issued spurious documents of identity. 

Jeanne Damman was an attractive young Catholic girl who 
made her home in Brussels. Before the German invasion she 
taught in a large school located in a Jewish neighborhood of the 
capital. In 1942, Nazi legislation excluded Jewish children from 
Belgian schools. A courageous Jewish couple, Professor Perlmann 
and his wife, established an underground school. They offered 
Jeanne Damman the position of principal and apprised her of 


the risks involved. Mile. Damman accepted readily, but the 
school operated only briefly. It closed when the streets became 
unsafe for Jewish children. Deprived of her position, Mile. 
Damman joined the Jewish Defense Committee, specializing in 
children's rescue, but at the same time continuing her work as 
an intelligence agent. After Liberation she devoted her time to 
rehabilitating concentration-camp returnees in a special school at 
Linkebeek, near Brussels. 

* # * # * 

Jeanne de Mulienaere, a Flemish-Catholic newspaperwoman, 
was active in the Belgian Underground and was introduced to 
the pressing problems of the Jews by her colleague, Vera Sha- 
piro. The two women joined a Resistance ring which saved 3,000 
Jewish children, dispatching them to monasteries and convents 
and hiding them in private dwellings. Their Underground ring 
manufactured false documents for Jews and advised them about 
escape routes. ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 

The Jewish Defense Committee saved more than 2,000 young 
people from deportation and supplied 30,000 Jews with false 
documents. It financed several escape expeditions and supported 
Jews in hiding. A special branch of the Committee, which daily 
employed 300 persons, Jews and non-Jews, assisted Belgian post- 
office officials by intercepting denunciations of Jews mailed to 
the German authorities. The Jews threatened by the prospective 
informers were immediately warned; sometimes the incriminat- 
ing information was destroyed. 

One of the largest organizations in the country, ONE (Oeuvre 
National de FEnfance), co-operated with the Jewish Defense 
Committee. Its director-general, Mile. Yvonne Neve jean, served 
as liaison between Jewish organizations in the country and the 
Belgian government-in-exile, and was able to save hundreds of 
Jewish children by personal intervention. 

Jewish partisan units (Maquis) constituted part of the Belgian 
Underground, which spared no efforts in order to arouse the 


populace against Nazi atrocities. On April 19, 1943, the Jewish 
Underground, aided by* Christian railroad-men, intercepted and 
derailed a train full of Jewish deportees bound from detention 
at Malines to an extermination camp in the East. Several hundred 
Jews more than a thousand, by some estimates scattered in 
the countryside and found shelter. 

Belgian clergymen were among the most active in aiding and 
rescuing Jews. A Catholic group, Our Lady of Zion (Notre 
Dame de Sion), deprived the German deportation trains of 200 
Jewish children, who were skillfully hidden in several convents 
in Belgium. Abbe Joseph Andre, vicar of the St. Jean Baptiste 
Church in Namur, where he presided over a house filled with 
Jewish children, worked closely with the Jewish Defense Com- 
mittee. He was vigorously supported in his shelter and rescue 
operations by the Bishop of Namur, Monsignor Charue, and by 
the Jesuits and the Sisters of Charity, as well as other religious 
groups. The municipal administration supplied him with forged 
documents, identification cards, and food for his wards. One of 
the houses where Father Andre hid the children was less than a 
grenade's throw from Gestapo headquarters. Jacques Weinberg, 
a former guest in one of Father Andre's shelters, describes a 
typical scene: "He [Father Andre] used to sit up all night, 
napping in his chair. He would not think of undressing and 
going to bed. There was the constant fear of a raid. If someone 
knocked on the door, Father Andre was on his feet. In a minute 
he had the children fleeing through a camouflaged exit to the 
neighboring house, where a doctor lived. All the neighbors 
co-operated. Without their help Father Andre could not have 
accomplished so much. The butchers of Namur as well as the 
grocers and other merchants provided him with food and neces- 
sities for the children." 

Father Andre took unprecedented action; he gave his foster 
children a sound Jewish education. Under no circumstances 


would he preach Christianity to his children; he tried, instead, 
to teach them the ways of their parents. He took the trouble 
and no small risk, during Passover, to celebrate a seder. In May 
of 1944, Father Andre was warned of imminent arrest. He dis- 
appeared from Namur but continued his work from hiding. 

Abbe Louis Celis practically reared four Jewish children 
whose parents had been deported. The two boys and two girls 
spent three years in the priest's dwelling. The priest insisted they 
attend church, for security reasons, but at home he taught them 
the Torah and listened to their Hebrew prayers. In due time he 
arranged a bar-mitzvah for one of the boys. After the Liberation, 
he helped the children emigrate to Palestine. In 1950 the priest 
attended the wedding of one of his boys in Israel. 

Father Edouard Froidure rescued 300 Jewish children without 
any aid from others. A Hungarian Jew who was in Belgium 
relates the following: "Father Edouard ran a camp of several 
hundred children, among them many Jews. When I brought my 
son to him, Father Edouard immediately gave him a false name 
and birth certificate. I offered to pay but he refused to accept 
the money." Eventually the Germans seized Father Edouard 
and dragged him through five prisons and three concentration 
camps. He was liberated from Dachau by Allied troops. 

During the Occupation, the Archbishop of Malines and Pri- 
mate of Belgium, Cardinal Joseph-Ernest van Roey, addressed 
a meeting of Catholic Action (Action Catholique) in Brussels: 
"It is forbidden to Catholics to collaborate in the formation of 
an oppressive government. It is obligatory for all Catholics to 
work against such a regime." 

Catholic and Protestant church leaders in Belgium and Hol- 
land echoed Cardinal van Roey's words. The people of both 
these countries turned their backs on the invaders with a silent 
curse. But a small, valiant minority, cast in the Maccabean mold 
of a Joop Westerville, rose up in defiance to assert that just as 
there was no depth to the baseness of Nazi mentality, so there 
Tas no height to which the dignity of man could not aspire. 



In few European countries were the Jews so much a part of the 
life of the country as in Italy. The 57,000 Jews (census of 1938) 
were represented in the economic, cultural, and political life of 
the land. They contributed a Prime Minister, Luigi Luzzatti; a 
Minister of War, Giuseppe Ottolenghi; and a Mayor of Rome, 
Ernesto Nathan. There were Jews among Italy's outstanding 
writers, scholars, industrialists, artists, and soldiers. Mussolini's 
leisurely march on Rome wrought no change in Italy's policy 
toward its Jews. During the early days of the Black Shirts only 
a small group in the Fascist party (Giovanni Preziosi, Telesio 
Interlandi, Baron di Salvotti, and a few others) displayed anti- 
Semitic tendencies. The Duce himself frowned on racialism, 
calling it un-Italian. "Anti-Semitism," Mussolini declared in 
1924, "is an alien weed that cannot strike roots in Italy where 
Jews are citizens with full equality." In another statement to 
foreign correspondents in 1927, he said: "Fascism means unity, 
anti-Semitism division. To us in Italy German anti-Semitism 
appears ludicrous . . . We protest with all our energy against 
fascism being compromised in this manner. Anti-Semitism is 
barbarism." After the Nazis seized power in Germany and the 
anti-Jewish persecutions began, Mussolini then still at odds 
with the upstart, Hitler declared in 1934: "Thirty centuries 
enable us [in Italy] to face with sovereign pity some of the 
theories now popular beyond the Alps and supported by men 
whose ancestors ignored the art of writing, which would have 
enabled them to learn something about themselves at the time 
when Caesar, Augustus, and Vergil lived in Rome." 
With the signing of the Italian-German alliance, the Axis, 


the opportunistic Mussolini did not scruple to eat his own words 
and launch, through subordinates Roberto Farrinacci, Inter- 
landi, and others, a virulent campaign directed at the Jews. 

The first anti- Jewish laws were hatched in 1938. The humilia- 
tion of Italy's Jewry was tragically dramatized by the distin- 
guished Jewish-Italian author and publisher, Angelo Fortunato 
Formiggini, who flung himself to death from the tower of 
Modena. In view of the fact that baptized Jews were exempted 
from the Nazi-like decrees, 4,500 Jews embraced Christianity. 
The rest were forced to turn to their Christian neighbors for aid. 

Like the civilized Italian soldier who refused to die for the 
sawdust Caesar, the populace frowned on the anti-Jewish de- 
crees, treating them with contempt. Thus the Jewish badge did 
not make its appearance in Italy. Nor did the Italians build 
ghettos or deport Jews to death camps. 

A sudden change for the worse came about after Mussolini's 
downfall and the Badoglio government's conclusion of an armi- 
stice with the Allies. German troops poured across the Alps and 
unleashed a reign of terror. In September, 1943, the Germans 
installed a new fascist puppet regime. Anti-Jewish pogroms were 
soon in full swing. 

The Italians were shocked and horrified. They opened their 
doors to Jewish friends and total strangers. Help came from 
high administration and police officials men like Mario di 
Marco, who worked with the legendary Father Benedetti; Mario 
di Nardis, Police Chief of Aquila, who risked his life to protect 
the Jews of his town; Giovanni Palatucci, Police Chief of Fiume, 
who perished in Dachau for aiding Jews; priests like Padre Mario 
and Francesco Repetto, secretary to the Archbishop of Genoa; 
Carlo Salvi; Monsignor Vincenzo Barale; Giuseppe Sala, who as 
the president of the St. Vincent de Paul Society of Milan built 
a large aid organization before his arrest; Edoardo Focherini of 
the Bologna Catholic daily Awmire ffhalia, whose seven chil- 
dren died in a concentration camp because of their father's efforts 
on behalf of Jews* 


As in other Western countries under the Nazi heel, church 
dignitaries limited their interventions to protests and ideological 
declarations, while the rescue work was being carried on by the 
lower clergy. Jews were hidden in monasteries, convents, and 
ecclesiastical buildings such as the Don Orlone Homes. Many- 
Catholic priests were arrested and some lost their lives. Among 
the saviors were a few who admitted that missionary zeal was 
an incentive in their work. But most of them were truly doing 
God's work, holding out a hand to those who were threatened 
with annihilation. To the humble Italian priest, monk, farmer, 
or laborer in the city belongs the glory that came with saving 
the lives of innocents. They rescued 40,000 Jews from Hitler's 
death wagons; 15,000 they were unable to save. 

While in Italy proper the population defied its government by 
helping Jews, a somewhat different situation prevailed in coun- 
tries occupied by the Italian military. The Italian zone of occu- 
pation in France was a hotbed of rescue activities; Italian army 
and administration officials aided French Jews as well as those 
of Axis-controlled Yugoslavia and Greece. When the "inde- 
pendent State of Croatia," which the Axis powers detached from 
Yugoslavia and divided into two zones, published its anti-Jewish 
decrees, plundering and murdering of Jews and Serbs began in 
the German sector. The Italians in the southern zone, where 
5,000 Jews lived, discouraged the fascistic Ustashis and their 
cohorts from committing any excesses. One Italian armored unit 
was credited with saving a number of Jews by a ruse. The tank 
unit, according to information received by the Croatian author- 
ities, was to go into action against a group of Serb partisans. 
Instead, the troops rescued a group of Jews from the grasp of 
the Ustashi by hiding them inside their tanks. A complaint was 
subsequently lodged by the Croatian Nazis. The Italian soldiers 
who had taken part in the rescue operation were given a token 
punishment: several days' restriction in barracks. 

Harried Jews from all parts of Yugoslavia sought refuge in 
the Italian Zone. Two thousand Jews, a fourth of Sarajevo's 


ancient Sephardic community, eluded both the Ustashi and the 
Germans to find safety in the Italian sector. Jews came from 
Cattaro (Montenegro) and Albania. Thousands found their way 
to such Italian-occupied towns as Ljubljana, Susak, Spalato, 
Ragusa, and Mostar. The Germans, whose appetite for Jewish 
lives was insatiable, demanded through their Ambassador to 
Croatia, Siegfried Kasche, that all Jews in both zones be sur- 
rendered to them. But General Robotti, Commander of the 
Second Italian Army, joined by Pirzio Birolli, Governor of Mon- 
tenegro, refused to comply with the request. General Giuseppe 
Pieche in Abbazia rejected a German demand that he deliver 
3,000 Jews under his protection. General Roatta, commanding 
Zone Two, declared he would not dishonor the Italian colors by 
trafficking in the lives of innocent Jews. 

"We must keep the Italian Army from dirtying its hands with 
this business," wrote a member of the high command in Croatia. 
"If the Croats desire to hand over the Jews [for deportation], 
let them deliver them to the Germans without our playing the 
part of middlemen. It is painful enough for an army of a great 
country to permit crimes of this sort to take place, to say nothing 
of participating in them." Army officers who expressed such 
sentiments found support among certain officials in the Italian 
Foreign Office and with its unpredictable chief, Count Galeazzo 
Ciatio, who was later shot by order of his father-in-law, Musso- 
lini. Ribbentrop himself found it necessary to intervene in 
Rome; his plea for more Jews to stoke the death-camp ovens 
was echoed by the German Ambassador to Italy, Georg von 
Mackensen, and his aide, Prince Otto von Bismarck. Mussolini's 
attitude toward Ribbentrop's intervention is not a matter of 
reliable record. If one is to believe a report drawn by Colonel 
Vincenzo Carlo, General Robotti, together with the Governor 
of Montenegro, discussed the matter with the Duce in 1943. 
Mussolini, according to this report, informed them of Ribben- 
trop's visit and his demands, and then he said, after a mild curse 
directed at the German Foreign Minister, "I was forced to agree 


because our treaty [with Germany] has my consent to the extra- 
dition [of Jews]. But you can look around for excuses../' 
However, other sources unquestionably more reliable state cate- 
gorically that Mussolini readily consented to deliver the Jews. 
It is further stated that he promised to punish his generals for 
disobeying him. 

The Italian Army respectfully listened to the Duce's orders, 
then proceeded to ignore them. A number of Jews arrested by 
the Croatians for deportation to Auschwitz were carried oif by 
Italian soldiers to the Dalmatian island of Lopud, near Ragusa. 
A group comprised of 1,161 grateful Jews was interned by the 
Second Army at Porto Re in Istria. Two thousand Jews were 
brought to the island of Arbe in the Gulf of Quarnero from the 
continental area of the Italian Zone, where frequent changes 
of the demarcation line might jeopardize their lives. The fall of 
Mussolini, the Italian debacle, and the armistice signed by 
Badoglio created on the island of Arbe a situation similar to 
that in Nice on the French Riviera. And, as in Nice, many Jews 
managed to disappear before the Germans arrived; many of them 
reached the areas controlled by Tito's partisans. 

In another zone of Italian occupation, Greece, the presence of 
the Italian army and administration was a source of comfort and 
support for the persecuted Jews. The 15,000 Jews under Italian 
control were not subject to any anti-Semitic decrees; they were 
left alone and suffered no greater hardships than their Christian 
neighbors, German pressure for anti-Jewish legislation, such as 
the introduction of the badge, was ignored by General Carlo 
Geloso, Commander of the Eleventh Army. A German demand 
for deportation of Jews was also rejected by the Italians. 

Jews from regions occupied by the Germans fled to the Italian 
Zone. In many instances, Italian authorities obliged refugees by 
issuing temporary certificates or passports, thus saving many 
Jews from death. 

In Salonika, which was not in their zone of occupation, the 
Italian vice-consul, aided by sevetal officials of his staff , organized 


a smuggling ring that rescued scores of Jews. The consular 
officials were also aided by army officers, who saved scores of 
Jewish girls by claiming them as "wives." The Germans at- 
tempted to retrieve some Jews snatched from them by the Ital- 
ians by sending specially trained SS units to Athens. But Gen- 
eral Geloso turned them back. 

With the end of the Italian occupation of Greece, the Ger- 
mans took over. The Jews went into hiding. 

In Tunisia, under joint German-Italian occupation, the pres- 
ence of the Italians saved the Jews from German atrocities. Ital- 
ian military and diplomatic agencies intervened on behalf of 
several thousand Jewish-Italian residents of Tunisia. 

Heinz Roethke, head of the French branch of the Gestapo 
Department for Jewish Affairs, referring to the South of France 
where the Italians held sway and where the Jewish population 
almost trebled from its prewar size of 15,000, told his superiors: 
"The attitude of the Italians is incomprehensible. The Italian 
military authorities and police protect Jews . . . The Italian zone 
of influence, particularly Cote d'Azur, has become the Promised 
Land for the Jews in France. In the last few months there has 
been a mass exodus of Jews from our occupation zone into the 
Italian Zone. The escape of Jews is facilitated by the existence 
of flight routes, the assistance given them by the French popula- 
tion and the sympathy of the authorities, [and] false identity 
cards . . . The Italians have transferred 1,000 poor Jews from 
Cote d'Azur to the spas. The Jews are living well/* Roethke ends 
on a petulant note. "They have been placed in the best hotels," 

As we have seen, the Jews in the Italian Zone of France were 
not molested until Badoglio's signing of the armistice and the 
removal of Italian troops. Then the Heinz Roethkes took over 
in one of the crudest man-hunts loosed by the 



In most of the countries occupied by Hitler, the annihilation of 
the Jews required several years at the least, the time depending 
on the size of the Jewish population, the attitude of the Chris- 
tians, and a number of other factors. The Jews of Hungary 
lived under the stress of many restrictions, but they were with- 
out the threat of immediate extermination until 1944, when the 
last vestiges of Jewish life had been uprooted in most Nazi- 
occupied and satellite areas. 

Until 1918 Hungary was less infected with anti-Semitism 
than most Eastern and Central European countries. Manifesta- 
tions of open anti-Semitism were rare there before World War L 
Of course some individuals spouted anti- Jewish harangues in 
Parliament, and a few small newspapers with very few readers 
attempted to arouse hatred against Jews. But it was the dismem- 
berment of the country after World War I, the loss of terri- 
tories, the shock resulting from the bloody terror of the short- 
lived communist regime of Bela Kun in 1919, that enabled 
Hungarian anti-Semites to peddle their gospel of hatred. The first 
two years of Admiral Horthy's regime were marked by pogroms 
and terror directed at the Jews. In 1920 attempts were made 
to introduce anti-Jewish restrictions, among them numerus 
clausw in the universities. But even such an openly anti-Semitic 
and race-minded Prime Minister as Gyula Gombos (1933-35) 
did not espouse the cause of anti-Jewish legislation, despite the 
rising hate propaganda in the press and from speakers' rostrums. 

After the (the incorporation of Austria into the 

Hitler Reich) in 1938, Hungary found itself a neighbor of Nazi 
Germany. With the outbreak of World War II, the pressure 



applied by the Nazis became overwhelming. The Horthy gov- 
ernment retreated under the onslaught and appeased Hitler by 
calling for a more virulent anti-Jewish policy. Although it 
avoided joining the Nazi scheme of the final solution, the 
Hungarian government nonetheless contributed its share by a 
rash of anti-Jewish decrees (in 1938, 1941, and 1942). When, 
because of Hitler's "magnanimity," Hungary was permitted to 
incorporate some Yugoslav and Romanian provinces (Bachka 
and Transylvania), the occupying Hungarian troops in several 
places committed acts of aggression against the Jewish popula- 
tion. Of these, the most shocking was the bloody massacre at 
Ujvidek (Novy Sad), where 3,300 civilians, among them about 
700 Jews, were massacred in January, 1942. In spite of this, 
thousands of Jews from Nazi-occupied Poland, Czechoslovakia, 
and other areas crossed into Hungary in search of shelter. From 
Slovakia came 24,000; among the 200,000 crossing the border 
from Poland, many were Jews. It appeared to those who came 
from other lands and to the native Jews that they might escape 
the tragic fate of their brothers in Nazi-occupied areas; Hun- 
gary, though an ally of Germany, was "independent," with legal 
opposition parties. Moreover, an Allied victory seamed near. 

But the sword fell upon them. The Jews of Hungary and 
those who came to Hungary to seek shelter were struck down 
with unprecedented savagery and cruelty. 

According to the census taken in 1941, there were 725,000 
Jews in Hungary and approximately 100,000 Christians of Jew- 
ish origin. With their characteristic single-mindedness matched 
only by their capacity for murder, the Nazis pressed for their 
usual "solution of the Jewish problem." Prime Minister Nicholas 
Kallay appeared willing to surrender Hungary's Jewry, provid- 
ing that the Germans guaranteed the lives of those deported 
would not be placed in jeopardy. Regent Nicholas Horthy, 
however, balked at the notion of turning over the Jews because 
he knew they inevitably would be slaughtered by the Nazis. 
On April 17, 1943, Hitler summoned Horthy to Germany and 


verbally lashed the Kallay government for its lack of interest in 
what his pathological mind hoped would be the final solution. 
"In Poland," Hitler told his visitor, "we settled the problem by 
very simple means. We shot those Jews not willing to work. 
Those unable to work we exterminated." Horthy begged his 
wrathful host to keep in mind that Hungary was bound by a 
constitution, and that any action he undertook required the 
consent of Parliament. In retort, Hitler made disparaging re- 
marks about the parliamentary system and declared that Hun- 
gary's troubles stemmed from the fact that it was not yet a 
totalitarian state. 

In March, 1944, German troops occupied Hungary. Admiral 
Horthy, who had just returned from another visit to Hitler (the 
"invitation" was carefully synchronized with the German blitz; 
action) , summoned the Crown Council to an extraordinary meet- 
ing. He declared that one of the chief reasons for the German 
move was Hungary's hesitation in introducing "the steps neces- 
sary to settle the Jewish question. We are accused of the crime," 
Horthy added, "of not having carried out Hitler's wishes, and I 
am charged with not having permitted the Jews to be massacred." 

The Kallay government resigned, and a new quisling cabinet 
headed by Doeme Sztoyay was appointed. A harsh policy aimed 
at the Jews was one of the main objectives of the new puppet 
regime. German SS and Gestapo headquarters were put in charge 
of such practiced assassins as Adolf Eichmann and Dieter Vis- 
liczeny. In 1944, sweeping anti- Jewish decrees were proclaimed. 
Ghettos were set up and deportations arranged. From all parts of 
the land the death trains filled with Jews streamed toward 
Auschwitz. Only the capital was spared. In a brief period, as 
though aware that their own days were numbered, the Germans 
kidnaped 435,000 Hungarian Jews and sent them to their doom. 

The beleaguered Jews of Budapest frantically appealed to 
Horthy to intervene. The Jewish Council, representing Hun- 
gary's decimated Jewry, published a desperate appeal aimed at 
their millions of Christian fellow countrymen. They also sought 


intervention from another quarter the legations of neutral 
powers like Sweden, Switzerland, Portugal, and several Central 
American countries. Nor did they neglect to seek aid from the 
Papal Nuncio, as well as from representatives of the International 
Red Cross. 

As the appalling news of the mass deportations and atrocities 
spread beyond Hungary's frontiers, King Gustav V of Sweden 
communicated personally with Horthy, who promised to do 
"everything in [his] power, under existing conditions," to safe- 
guard "the principles of humanity and justice." A similar ex- 
change of letters between Pope Pius XII and Horthy took place 
on June 25 and July i. In Budapest, the Papal Nuncio, Mon- 
signore Angelo Rotta, and the Swiss, Swedish, Portuguese, and 
Spanish representatives accredited to Hungary intervened with 
the Foreign Office. On June 26, President Roosevelt, in a sharp 
note forwarded through the Swiss legation (the United States 
and Hungary were at war) , called upon the government to cease 
deportations of Jews without delay, threatening reprisals if the 
plea were ignored. Regent Horthy, impressed by the voices of 
outraged humanity, summoned the Crown Council to a meeting 
on June 26 and called for a stop to deportations. 

The Nazis, loath to abandon the large prize within their grasp 
Budapest's Jewry accused Horthy of being a "Jew-friend" 
whose family was "infested by Jewish intermarriage." All of 
Hungary was informed by the Germans and their native fol- 
lowers that Horthy's son was tainted, having married a Jewess. 
"Young Horthy is a personal friend of the Jews," Jowph Goeb- 
bels, one of the architects of the Thousand- Year Reich, noted in 
his diary. Not averse to a little blackmail, the Nazis circulated 
rumors that the Regent himself was not free of the taint: he too 
was married to a Jewess. 

While on the one hand the Nazis and their native collaborators 
reviled Horthy, they made slight concessions in order to still the 
indignant outcries and protests from many parts of the world. 
They granted Horthy the power to exempt from deportation 


Jews who submitted to him a personal application endorsed by 
the professional group to which they belonged. By mid-Septem- 
ber of 1944, no less than 30,000 petitions for exemption were 
received by the Regent. But only 6 1 6 were granted. 

Meanwhile, the Germans, vexed by Horthy's dilatoriness, de- 
cided on a coup d'etat to force him out of office. Their plan, 
which had the support of the pro-Nazi Arrow Cross party, 
Nyilas, failed miserably because Horthy appeared to have the 
army on his side. He relieved Doeme Sztoyay of his duties as 
Premier and invited a non-political general, Geza Lakatos, to 
form a new government. 

By midsummer, as the Allies on all fronts were tightening 
their iron hold on Festung Europa, the deportations of Hungar- 
ian Jews were halted by order of Regent Horthy. The cessation 
was in the nature of a lull while the various contending parties 
jockeyed for positions. The Germans threatened to resume de- 
portations by the end of August. The neutral legations in Buda- 
pest, in an attempt to frustrate the Nazi plan, protested to the 
Hungarian government. Simultaneously, Regent Horthy was 
carrying on secret conversations with the Russians, and it was 
finally agreed that an official announcement about an armistice 
would be proclaimed by the Hungarian government in mid- 
October. However, the Germans wrecked Horthy's plan; they 
seized the Regent and his son and appointed the chief of the 
fascist Arrow Cross party, Ferencz Szalasi, as Prime Minister. 

The fate of the Jews appeared sealed. The Nyilas gangs were 
unleashed to plunder and massacre their victims at will Deporta- 
tions were resumed on a massive scale, accompanied by a brand 
of savagery sometimes mistakenly referred to as medieval. The 
neutral legations protested vigorously, but more than notes and 
verbal interventions appeared necessary. 

Between October 15, 1944, and January, 1945, approximately 
100,000 Jews perished at the hands of German and native Nazis, 
or were deported to Auschwitz. The Budapest orgy of blood has 
no equal in the black pages of Nazidom. Those few who survived 


the massacres and death trains owe their lives to men and women 
of the neutral legations and to fellow Hungarians of the Christian 

The neutral legations extended help by granting Jews pass- 
ports, certificates of citizenship, promises of visas, certificates of 
baptism (issued by the Papal Nunciature), and any other pro- 
tective documents that offered hope of reprieve. As the massacres 
raged unabated, the legations opened special buildings and in- 
vited the Jews to move in. How these sanctuaries operated will 
be described in another chapter, along with the story of the 
legendary Raoul Wallenberg who saved thousands of people. 
For the time being, suffice it to say that 15,600 Jews moved into 
the sanctuaries established by the neutral powers. The Swiss 
harbored almost 8,000; about 4,500 lived in the Swedish legation 
buildings; 698 were sheltered by the Portuguese; 100 by the 
Spanish; 2,500 by the Nunciature; an undisclosed number were 
protected by documents issued by the Republic of El Salvador. 
The official figures quoted here were disputed by Raoul Wallen- 
berg, who was in a position to know. (According to Wallenberg, 
33,000 Jews found shelter in the neutral legations.) In addition, 
thousands armed with forged documents fled to the International 

Many Jews, particularly Christians of Jewish origin, found 
shelter in various ecclesiastical institutions. Professing Jews were 
rescued by friends, colleagues, business associates, and sometimes 
by strangers whose hearts had not turned to stone. But the Jews 
of Budapest were also saved by time. The Russians were storm- 
ing the approaches to the city. Had it not been for the collapse 
of the German front in Hungary, it is doubtful that many Jews 
would have been saved. 

Both the Christian scholar, Istvan Bibo, and the Jewish-Hun- 
garian writer, Robert Major, agree that the attitude of the 
Christian populace at large toward the ordeal of the Jews was 
one of complete indifference. Among officialdom and the officer 
corps, there were many who participated in the anti-Jewish ex- 


cesses. However, the crude savagery displayed by the Arrow 
Cross horrified and alienated many of those who, up until then, 
had passively condoned the harsh anti-Semitic decrees. A few 
bold voices were raised in protest. 

In Hungary there were no feats of matchless courage such as 
those performed by the Danes, or valorous deeds like those of 
Joop Westerville. There were men and women who came for- 
ward to help those who appeared beyond help. But there were 
few of them. When the terror was at its worst, a number of army 
officers and policemen demonstrated their sympathy for the Jews 
and aided them in various ways. According to rumors, General 
Igmandy-Hegyessi stated in the upper house of Parliament that 
he would refuse to wear the uniform of the Hungarian Army 
unless the gendarmerie ceased its role in the deportation of Jews. 
It is a matter of record that on several occasions the army foiled 
and delayed deportations by drafting Jews into labor battalions, 
a practice it followed during the early months of the war. Jews 
were employed in the building of fortifications and trenches. 
According to Laszlo Endre, Under Secretary of the Interior 
and a prime Jew-hater, 80,000 were saved from deportation by 
the army draft. There are recorded instances of officers and 
soldiers hiding Jews, helping them across the Romanian fron- 
tier, rescuing them from deportation. 

Colonel Laszlo Ferenczy^ in charge of concentration camps 
and deportation, compiled for his superiors a list of those dis- 
covered helping Jews. In May, 1944, according to Ferenczy, 
Hungarian soldiers helped smuggle forty Jews to Romania; in 
Maros-Vasarhely, conscripts assigned to round up Jews accepted 
messages from the captives to deliver to friends and relatives; 
Dr. Janos Schilling, Under Sheriff of Szolnok-Doboka, feigned 
illness in order to avoid taking part in the roundup of Jews; in 
Naszod, Colonel Vazul Nemes, Commander of the Twenty- 
second Frontier Battalion, warned Jews of raids; police officers 
in several small towns concealed the property of Jews in their 
homes with the intention of returning it to their rightful owners; 


in Maros-Vasarhely and Szaszregen, heads of the local military 
and public administration "arbitrarily took over the management 
of rounding up Jews and adopted such measures as greatly 
hindered its execution." 

To this incomplete list of the hard-working colonel should 
be added the name of Police Officer Alfred Miller, now a resident 
of Israel. An enemy of the Nazis, Miller joined the Hungarian 
police force with the avowed purpose of aiding Jewish victims 
of German terror. According to his story, corroborated by the 
Rescue Department of the Jewish Agency, Miller assembled food 
from rich peasants and stored it in a vacant house in Budapest, 
distributing it to the Jewish Underground. His aid saved 240 
Jewish orphans from death by starvation. He is credited with 
saving twelve Jews from deportation by providing them with 

forged documents. 

* # x- x # 

The role of the churches in Hungary, during the time of the 
Jewish catastrophe, followed a two-track policy: first, the 
aiding of Christians of Jewish (non- Aryan) origin; second, the 
aiding of professed Jews. When the Hungarian cabinet, on 
March 31, 1944, issued a decree ordering all Jews to wear the 
yellow Star, both Catholic and Protestant churches claimed 
exemption for the converts. Prince Primate Justin Cardinal 
Seredi declared: "The six-pointed Star is not the emblem of the 
Jewish race but of Jewish religion. Consequently, the display of 
it is, in the case of Christians, a contradiction, and constitutes 
a renunciation of faith." Similarly, Senior Bishop Laszlo Ravasz 
of the Reformed Church protested against the yellow Star for 
non- Aryan members of his church. 

During the eventful days of July, 1944, a message communi- 
cated to all Protestant churches stated: "The Hungarian Cal- 
vinist and Lutheran churches intervened repeatedly with the 
authorities in connection with the Jewish question, especially 
where baptized Jews are concerned. They will continue their 
efforts in the future." On another occasion, Prince Primate 


Seredi wrote to Prime Minister Sztoyay: "The fact that the gov- 
ernment's so-called 'Jewish decrees' . . . have been augmented 
by new ones and will apparently be implemented fills me with 
deep sorrow and great anguish. ... I have in mind those decrees 
which without the legal basis cause injury to Hungarian citizens, 
my Catholic brethren ... I herewith insistently request the Royal 
Government ... to consider the baptized Christians and dis- 
tinguish them from the Jews." 

Yielding to pressure by the churches, the government issued 
an order on July 12, 1944, allowing converts to found their own 
organization: Union of Baptized Jews. More than 70,000 persons 
received membership certificates in the Union during the initial 
week of its founding and thus were saved from deportation, at 
least temporarily. New converts streamed into its ranks by the 
thousands. However, the Union of Baptized Jews was a fragile 
body; it was smashed by the Arrow Cross in the middle of Oc- 
tober when the Nyilas became the power in the land. Subse- 
quently, the extermination of all Jews, including those who no 
longer considered themselves as such, became the order of the 
day. Confronted by the naked savagery loosed on a helpless 
minority, church dignitaries, led by Angelo Rotta, Papal Nuncio, 
spoke out in protest. 

The Nuncio did not content himself with personal interven- 
tions. On June 27, he informed Prince Primate Cardinal Seredi 
of the Pope's wishes to call the Consistory of Hungarian Bishops 
to take action in defense of Christian principles and to aid bap- 
tized Jews. 

Simultaneously, the Protestant churches, through Bishop Las- 
zlo Ravasz, protested to Prime Minister Sztoyay against anti- 
Jewish atrocities. Moreover, Bishop Ravasz wrote to Cardinal 
Seredi suggesting that both churches co-ordinate their protest 
action. On June 23, a joint memorandum of the two Protestant 
churches, Lutheran and Calvinist, was submitted to the Prime 
Minister. It called for a halt to the deportations. These actions 
were concerned with both baptized and non-baptized Jews. 


Protests were also voiced on a local level The Catholic Bishop, 
Vilmos Apor, intervened against the evacuation of the ghetto 
of Gyor, in his diocese. He requested an audience with Sztoyay 
but was refused. Archbishop Gyula Czapik of Eger voiced his 
indignation several times, but without results. The bishops of 
Kolozsvar, Pecs, Kassa, and other cities denounced the atrocities, 
but they were small voices in a wilderness. 

Realizing that little or nothing was being achieved by protest 
notes and verbal interventions, the churches turned to direct 
action. Judging by the cries of indignation from some govern- 
ment officials, the relief work done by the churches must have 
been effective. "We must state openly," declared the Under 
Secretary of the Interior, Laszlo Endre, "that as far as aid to 
the Jews is concerned, priests and clergymen . . . unfortunately 
are in the first rank. Protection and intervention has never been 
on such a large scale as today." 

The chief means of rescue was concealment. The Jews were 
sheltered by humble clerics; by monks, nuns; in Jesuit colleges; 
in foreign missions. Outstanding in the field of rescue was the 
work of the Nuncio; he was aided by a group of courageous 
young priests and nuns who distributed safe-conducts and other 
certificates issued by the Nunciature and helped victims in other 
ways. During the death march of the Jews to Hegyeshalom in 
November, 1944, when trains were not available and the Nazis 
forced their victims to walk the full distance, Sandor Ujvary, a 
voluntary worker of the International Red Cross, was permitted 
by the Nuncio to distribute hundreds of blank safe-conducts. 
Ujvary, who had told the Nuncio he worked with forged docu- 
ments, received from the cleric the following benediction: "My 
son, you need have no qualms of conscience about what you are 
doing, for the rescue of innocent people is an honorable and vir- 
tuous deed that God Himself will approve. Continue your work 
for the glory of God! " 

The Bishop of Gyor, Vilmos Apor, organized collections of 
food, money, and clothing, and he instructed the clergy in his 


diocese to assist, in every way possible, the deportees passing 
through. Similarly, help was extended by Endre Hamvas, Bishop 
of Csanad; Archbishop Czapik; Bishop Virag; Chief Abbot 
of the Benedictines Krizosztom Kelemen; the prelates Meszlenyi, 
Mihalovics, Drahos, Grosz, Beresztoczy, Shvoy, Mikes, Kovacs, 
Zichy, and others. 

In Budapest the Church sent priests to houses marked as 
"ghettos," for the purpose of feeding and consoling those inside 
or bringing them letters of safe-conduct. 

Twenty-five refugees hid in the home of the Social (Chari- 
table) Sisters. They were denounced by an employee, a Nyilas 
sympathizer. One of the Sisters, Sarah Salkhaz, was taken 
away with a group of refugees and murdered. The Charitable 
Sisters continued their work of mercy, under the fearless guid- 
ance of Margit Slachta, and hid scores of refugees. 

The Lazarist Fathers sheltered thirty Jewish males, all of 
whom were saved. Father Koehler rose in the town hall of 
Hegyeshalom to speak for the deportees who were being led 
to their doom. He was attacked by Nyilas hooligans on more 
than one occasion for helping Jews, "Shoot if you dare!" the 
Lazarist priest told them with scorn. "I am not afraid of you!" 

Jews were hidden by the Sisters of Mercy, in the Sophianium, 
by the Oblatas, in the Zion Convent, by Franciscan Missionary 
Sisters, by the nuns of St. Elizabeth, in the convent of SacrS 
Coeur, by the Society of the Girls of Sacre Coeur, in the Reg- 
num Marianum. 

Jews were hidden in the Collegium Theresianum, in the Col- 
lege of St. Anne, by the Carmelite Sisters, in the Champagnat 
Institute, by the Order of Mary. The clerics and nuns who were 
denounced to the Gestapo suffered torture at the hands of the 
Nazis and their Hungarian henchmen. But the work went on. 
The Sisters of the Divine Savior gave shelter to 150 Jewish chil- 
dren whom the Nyilas finally exposed. Both children and adults 
were sheltered by the Order of Divine Love. The Ranolder In- 
stitute established a spurious "war plant" for the purpose of giv- 


ing employment to 100 Jewish girls and saving them from de- 

One hundred and fifty Jews were hidden in the Jesuit College. 
They were in charge of the Prior, Father Jacob Raile, who be- 
came a legendary figure in Budapest during the days of the 
carnage. Either he was on the move wheedling, begging, and 
procuring false certificates of baptism for his "guests," or match- 
ing wits with the murderous Nyilas gangs that were constantly 
stalking him or the Jesuit home. One day Father Raile converted 
his monastery into a "police station" by outfitting 100 men in 
police uniforms. The Nyilas, wildcats when it came to unarmed 
and outnumbered Jews, ceased molesting the home for fear of 

The Good Shepherd, run by the Calvinist and Lutheran 
churches of Hungary and aided by the Red Cross, hid 1,500 
Jews. The Convent of the Good Shepherd saved 112 Jewish 
girls. The English Sisters sheltered 100 children and 40 adults, 
all of whom were saved. 

Heroic work was performed by the Scottish Mission in Buda- 
pest. The Mission's building was for a time headquarters of the 
Union of Baptized Jews, and contained a workshop for the 
manufacture of false documents; seventy Jewish children were 
sheltered there, including forty adults. On April 25, 1944, the 
Gestapo raided the premises and seized the two women whom 
many harried Jews of Budapest had come to love and revere 
a Miss Hanning and a Miss Lee; the latter survived the Nazis, 
but Miss Hanning was murdered in Auschwitz. 

"It is not too much to say," stated an article appearing after 
the war in the semi-official Catholic publication, Church and 
Society, "that Budapest Jewry in no small degree owed their 
lives to the churches." The author of the article, William Juhasz, 
concludes with satisfaction that those who helped the Jews 
"facilitated conversion in every way possible." 

Even as late as the summer of 1944, Hungary was a center of 
Jewish Underground liaisons and rescue activities for Jews in 


adjacent countries. Rescue agencies (the Jewish Agency, the 
United States War Refugee Board) operated a lifeline that 
stretched from Istanbul through Sofia and Bucharest to the 
capital of Hungary, where contacts were maintained with Slo- 
vakia, Austria, and Poland. Money, letters, people, particularly 
members of youth and halutz organizations, were smuggled into 
Hungary from the northern border countries and dispatched by 
an underground railway to Palestine and other places. During 
the days of the Nyilas terror, Underground groups attempted 
the rescue of Jews by bribery, ruse, and on occasion by force. 
There are several recorded instances of Jewish Underground 
units being aided by members of the Christian Resistance move- 
ment. Two leaders of the Smallholders party, Laszlo Jekely and 
Paul Fabry, organized a mixed Christian-Jewish fighting unit 
whose purpose it was to guard Jewish "protected houses" from 
the marauding Nyilas gangs. 

In the autumn of 1944, when the situation of Budapest's Jewry 
was desperate, a plan was drawn up for co-operation between 
Jewish and non- Jewish Resistance groups. The leaders of the 
Jewish community appealed to the Hungarian National Inde- 
pendent Front for immediate admission. A contribution of 
100,000 pengos was made to the fighting fund by the Jews, 
whose representatives, Gergely and Beer, met with Lt. Gen. 
Charles Lazar, Commander of the Regent's Guard and the per- 
son in charge of organizing the Resistance; negotiations were 
also carried on by Dr. Bela Fabian of the Committee of Jewish 
War Veterans with Generals William Nagy and William 
Schroeder. An agreement was reached that, in the event it 
proved necessary and feasible, the 25,000 members of labor com- 
panies garrisoned in Budapest, all of them Jews, would be armed 
by the military to strike back at the Nazis and the Nyilas. The 
uprising did not take place. The Nazis sent additional troops 
across the borders to reinforce the Nyilas regime on October 15. 
Deportations and massacres were resumed on a large scale and 
raged unabated for three months. 


The Jews of Budapest were liberated on January 16 and 17, 
1945, when the Russian armies that had been storming at the 
gates of the city for several days broke through and captured 
the Central and International ghettos. But before the Germans 
were routed and their Arrow Cross accomplices dispersed, a half 
million Hungarians of Jewish origin were dead. 



"I pray for the defeat of my country. Only in defeat can we 
atone for the terrible crimes we have committed . . ." These 
searing words were uttered by a Protestant pastor, Dietrich Bon- 
hoeffer, at Geneva in 1941, where he had journeyed in the in- 
terests of the German Underground. Booih^ffer, who was 
subsequently murdered by the Nazis, along with his family, was 
an exception among the clergy in Nazi Germany. During the 
years of Nazi rule, most of the clergymen who dared raise their 
voices did so on behalf of baptized Jews and partners of mixed 
marriages. Few dared protest the crimes being committed against 
a small minority, the Jews who were marked for extermination. 
This chapter will deal with those few courageous clerics who 
defied the truncheon and the death camp to assert their rights 
as men. 

After Hitler consolidated his power, in the middle thirties he 
imposed upon all churches the so-called "Aryan paragraph," 
ordering the elimination from ecclesiastical offices of all "racial 
Jews" and "Aryans" married to Jews. The number of Jewish 
converts had reached 50,000, and there were, according to statis- 
ticians of the Thousand- Year Reich, 300,000 half- Jews and 
quarter- Jews living in Germany in 1933. After the incorporation 
of Austria in 1938, these same statisticians were confronted with 
an additional 100,000 baptized half- and quarter-Jews. Alarmed 
by the Nazi plans, Catholic and Protestant churches were moved 
to form organizations for the protection of their non-Aryan 
members. They were supported in these endeavors by a large 
number of Germans who displayed strong partisanship in favor 
of the Mischlinge and members of mixed marriages. To cite only 



one instance: When, on February 27, 1943, the 10,000 Jews re- 
maining in Berlin were being deported, the Christian wives of 
those arrested, supported by German public opinion, were able 
to wring concessions from the Nazis, who released the men. The 
Nazis further yielded to the clamor of the populace, excepting 
Jewish Mischlinge and members of mixed marriages from the 
anti-Jewish laws. 

On occasion a courageous voice was heard on behalf of those 
condemned to die the Jews* Sometimes the references were 
oblique, as in the case of Michael Cardinal Faulhaber of Munich, 
who in his sermons delivered before Christmas, 1933, stressed 
the high "religious, social and moral values of the Old Testa- 
ment," and firmly defended Judaism against Nazi slanders. The 
Cardinal limited his discourse to biblical Jewry, claiming that his 
competence as a scholar did not transcend the ancient epoch. 
However, as Nazi persecution of Jews gained in virulence, 
Cardinal Faulhaber put aside his previous reservations and spoke 
out vigorously on this matter. "History teaches us," he stated, 
"that God always punished tormentors of ... the Jews. No 
Roman Catholic approves of the persecutions of Jews in Ger- 
many. . . . Racial hatred is a poisonous weed in our life." In 
addition to denouncing Nazi anti-Semitism, the Cardinal helped 
converts and Jews in individual cases. In October, 1938, when 
the rising tide of and- Jewish violence convinced the chief rabbi 
of Munich that his synagogue was in danger of being put to the 
torch, Cardinal Faulhaber came to the rescue by providing a 
truck for the removal of Torah scrolls and other devotional ob- 
jects, to be stored in his palace. Nazi mobs, infuriated by the 
Cardinal's defiance of Hitler, demonstrated before his dwelling 
and shouted: "Away with Faulhaber, the Jew-friend!" But the 
man who was later named "Lion of Munich" continued his ac- 
tivities on behalf of non- Aryan Christians as well as Jews, par- 
ticularly during the deportations to the East. 


In the Western German provinces the Bishop of Muenster 
(later Cardinal) Clemens August Count von Galen, delivered 
vigorous sermons against the anti-religious character of the 
regime and its racial policies. His was a lone strong voice in a 
land where silent obedience had become the accepted way of 
life. On occasion others were heard. Conrad Cardinal Count von 
Preysing of Berlin denounced in a pastoral letter the Nazi perse- 
cutions in the following words: "Every human has rights that 
cannot be taken from him by an earthly power. . . . These rights 
cannot be denied him simply because he is not of our blood. . . . 
We must realize that depriving him of those rights is a grave 
injustive, not only toward the stranger, but toward our own 
people." These words, so vague in meaning, so mild in their re- 
buke, were considered treason in Germany in the year 1942. 

The Catholic church*% a oody protested against racial perse- 
cution in 1943, when the German bishops were called upon to 
declare: "The extermination of human beings per se is to be 
deplored even if it is allegedly in the interest of the common- 
wealth; it is particularly evil when directed against the innocent 
and defenseless, the mental cases, the sick, hostages, POW's, 
people of alien races or alien descent." 

Bernard Lichtenberg was priest at the St. Hedwig Cathedral 
Church in Berlin. In August, 1941, he declared in a sermon that 
he would include Jews in his daily prayers because "synagogues 
have been set afire and Jewish businesses have been destroyed." 

"I came to St. Hedwig's Cathedral one evening," an Amer- 
ican described his visit in 1940. "No service was scheduled, but 
people were walking up the steps. I entered the church. ... It 
was dark inside. Worshipers were kneeling in the pews. The 
only spot of light was the tiny flicker of the sanctuary cup. Only 
one voice could be heard ... of a priest imploring his God. * . . 
On occasion he would pause and the people would cry, 'Lord, 
have mercy! Christ, hear us!' Then he would be heard again. , . . 


There was no allusion to politics, the affairs of the world, and 
yet every sentence had a meaning reflecting the troublous times. 
It was like a protest of the crucified church against oppression, 
like the community of all the faithful crying out to God, in 
deepest distress." 

One evening Monsignor Lichtenberg did not appear at his 
church. A brief announcement in the newspapers informed his 
followers that he had been arrested for "subversive activities." 
He was sent to prison and, after serving his term, sent to a con- 
centration camp for "re-education." A poor student, so far as 
the Nazis were concerned, the ailing old priest asked to be de- 
ported to the Jewish ghetto of Lodz. His plea was ignored. He 
died November 3, 1943, on *ht Wa 7 to Dachau. 

* # # # * 

Considerable aid was given Jews during deportation by the 
Caritas Catholica, an organization which was founded primarily 
to help non-Aryan Christians; as time went on, it also extended 
help to professed Jews, particularly to children. (The Caritas 
organization had a similar record of helpful assistance in other 
countries, such as Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia.) 

In the spring of 1943, the Gestapo, aware of the Caritas ac- 
tivities, arrested its leaders, among them Dr. Gertrude Luck- 
ner and Grete Wuensch. Frau Luckner was flung into Ravens- 
brueck concentration camp, where she was found by the Allies 
two years later. (In 1950, five years after the Hitler nightmare 
had ended, Dr. Luckner visited England on the invitation of 
Rabbi Dr. Leo Baeck, and in 1951 she went to Israel as a guest 
of that government. In both countries she was enthusiastically 
welcomed by German Jews who owed a great debt to her. In 
1955, the Israeli government invited her to christen a ship de- 
livered by Germany under the reparations agreement.) 

* * * * * 

The Protestant church, although in the majority among the 
70,000,000 Germans, and unhampered by such an agreement as 


the Concordat (the agreement signed in July, 1933, between the 
Vatican and Hitler about the organization and the rights of the 
Catholic Church in Germany; incidentally, an agreement which 
Hitler never kept), was hardly more effective in aiding Jews. 
The voice of the Protestant church was blunted by the fact that 
it was split into twenty-nine independent regional organizations 
and into several denominational congregations, as, for example, 
the Lutheran and the Reformed churches. Under Nazi pressure 
the Protestant churches were united into one national German 
Evangelical Church, presided over by a Reichsbishop. However, 
the highly esteemed and popular Bishop-elect, Pastor Dr. Fried- 
rich von Bodelschwingh, was before long forced by the pro- 
Nazi wing of the Church to resign, and a Nazi stooge, Dr. Lud- 
wig Mueller, took his place. Under the new Bishop's leadership 
the synods of the Church resolved to introduce the "Aryan 
paragraph" into all Protestant congregations. This decision re- 
sulted in a schism. Two thousand pastors, led by several coura- 
geous members, left to found the Pastors' Emergency League 
and later the Confessional Church. Despite harassment by the 
regime, the Confessional Church grew steadily, claiming 9,000 
pastors in 1936. In an estimate made two years after the schism, 
40 per cent of the German Protestants were said to belong to the 
new church, 10 per cent remaining with the old Evangelical 
group, while 50 per cent remained neutral in this struggle for 

One of the outstanding leaders of the Confessional church was 
Dr. Martin Niemoeller. A gifted orator, organizer, and politician, 
he began by sympathizing with the program of nationalist re- 
generation, until he discovered that this was not what the Nazis 
had in mind. The introduction of the humiliating "Aryan para- 
graph" and the regime's slanderous campaign against the Bible 
decided for Niemoeller where he stood. He became a severe 
critic of the Nazis, but confined his opposition to the regime to 
the defense of biblical Judaism and the Old Testament, ignoring 


the ordeal suffered by his Jewish neighbors. However, his atti- 
tude underwent a metamorphosis as the Nazis became more blunt 
in their methods of savagery. On May 27, 1936, the leadership 
of the Confessional Church submitted a memorandum to Hitler: 
"When blood, race, nationality, and honor are regarded as 
eternal values, the First Commandment obliges the Christian to 
reject this evaluation. . . . Anti-Semitism of the Nazi Weltan- 
schaung forces one to hate the Jews, while Christianity directs 
one to love one's neighbor." 

The leaders of the Confessional Church were arrested, among 
them Pastor Niemoeller. After he had served his term in prison, 
Nazi physicians recommended for him a period of "convales- 
cence" in a concentration camp. He was sent for his cure to 
Sachsenhausen, and later to Dachau. 

After Niemoeller's arrest, his congregation in Berlin-Dahlem 
was in charge of the courageous Pastor Dehnstedt. A German 
painter, a Protestant of Jewish descent, Valerie Wolffenstein, 
visited the congregation at the beginning of 1943 and made 
notes of her observations. In view of the fact that by Nazi laws 
she was a Jewess and therefore was forced to lead a stealthy, 
undercover kind of life, Fraiilein Wolffenstein visited the church 
after dark. "The first time I entered it," the visitor related, "the 
whole congregation was reciting the 12 6th Psalm: 'When Je- 
hovah brought back those that returned to Zion, we were like 
unto them that dream.' January 30 was the tenth anniversary of 
Hitler's coming into power. At the end of the service, where a 
prayer for the Fuehrer was prescribed, Pastor Dehnstedt in- 
toned: 'Lord, do what seems impossible, perform a miracle, turn 
the obdurate heart of our Fuehrer.' " After the November, 1938, 
pogroms against Jews, "atonement services" were held in the 
packed main church at Dahlern. 

A month later, the Synod of the Confessional Church, taking 
exception to anti-Jewish riots sponsored openly by the regime, 
cautioned its followers: "We remind our congregations and 


members to take note of the physical and spiritual hardships of 
our Christian brethren of Jewish descent and to pray for them." 

Pastor von Jan in Oberleuningen was moved after the Novem- 
ber riots to address his congregation in the following words: 
"Much evil has been done, openly and covertly. . . . Parents are 
held in contempt, as are teachers. Wedlock has been broken, 
property taken, honor of neighbors sullied, lives taken. Lord 
God, we confess before Thee these our sins and those of our 


Soon after he delivered his sermon, Pastor von Jan's residence 
was surrounded by Nazi hooligans shouting: "Jew-lackey." His 
vicarage smashed, the pastor was brutally beaten and flung into 
jail. To make his stay in prison official, the authorities issued a 
warrant for the pastor's arrest. 

The shouts of "Jew-lackey" greeted others who summoned 
the courage to assert that man's dignity had not been completely 
uprooted by the Storm Troops. In Wuerttemberg, Landbischof 
Theophil Wurm was arrested as early as 1933 for his protests 
against the Nazi efforts to create a "Nordic hybrid religion." 
The Bavarian Bishop, Hans Meiser of Munich, shared a similar 
fate for his public anti-Nazi manifesto. Both churchmen were 
eventually released because of public clamor. After the riots in 
November, 1938, Bishop Wurm addressed an urgent plea to the 
Reichsminister of Justice "to do everything in order that au- 
thority, law, and justice be restored." In the spring of 1943, the 
Bishop sent the following memorandum to the authorities: 
"There must be an end to putting to death members of other 
nations and races who are not even accorded trial by either civil 
or military courts. What is happening weighs heavily on the 
conscience of all Christians. ... A day will come when we will 
pay for this." Bishop Wurm was firmly convinced that the day 
of reckoning for the sins committed by the German nation was 
not too far distant. He saw as "just retribution" the screaming 


Allied bombs that gutted houses and churches, smashed walls, 
and put to flight thousands of Germans. "All of this," the Bishop 
cried, "is a reminder to the Germans of the suffering the J 
recently endured" at their hands. 'i/Vm/" p 



Encouraged by Bishop Wurm'sfbold stand, the Confessional 
Synod of the Old-Prussian Union went on record condemning 
Nazi atrocities: "The right to exterminate human beings because 
they belong to ... another race, nation, or religion was not given 
by God to the government. The life of all men belongs to God 
and is sacred to Him." In the practical sphere, the Confessional 
Church operated several rescue organizations, helping converts 
as well as professing Jews. Non- Aryan Protestants were also 
aided by a group named Pauhbund, and non- Aryan Catholics by 
the Rafaelsverein. 

One of the most successful aid organizations was Buero Grue- 
ber, established in 1936 by Pastor Heinrich Grueber of Berlin- 
Kaulsdorf. While primarily concerned with aiding Protestants 
of Jewish descent, the group helped a number of Jews to emi- 
grate between the years 1936-40. The activities of Pastor 
Grueber were tolerated by the Gestapo, for it was the policy of 
the regime to get rid, by emigration and by other means, of as 
many Jews as possible. However, a sharp change in the govern- 
ment's emigration policy occurred in 1940; Jewish emigration 
from Germany and other Nazi-controlled areas was forbidden. 
The Buero was closed and Grueber was flung into a concentra- 
tion camp. But Protestant rescue action was carried on by others, 
among them Pastor Werner Sylten, who was eventually arrested 
and deported to a camp where he perished. The work was en- 
trusted to Pastor Martin Albertz and his three non- Aryan secre- 
taries. Eventually this group was discovered, and twenty-six of 
its members were tried and sentenced. The Berlin office smashed, 
the work was carried on in some of the provincial branches. One 
of those surviving was the Heidelberg ofiice. It was in charge of 
Dr. Hermann Maas, a Christian Zionist since 1903 and an en- 
thusiastic admirer of Jewish colonization in Palestine, where he 


had visited in 1938. Maas, whose daughter Brigitte helped found 
a vocational school for weavers in Jerusalem, began his rescue 
activities soon after Hitler came to power. As an initial warning, 
the Nazis deprived Maas of his office as pastor of the largest 
church in Heidelberg, the Church of the Holy Spirit. His 
obduracy resulted in a death sentence, which was commuted, 
and he was sent to a concentration camp. (After Liberation, 
Maas wrote numerous articles stressing German guilt toward the 
Jews. He was the first German to be invited by the Israeli gov- 
ernment to visit Israel, Upon his return from Israel, which he 
visited twice, in 1950 and again in 1953, Maas wrote enthusias- 
tically of his journeys and addressed members of the German 
Parliamentary Society at Bonn, touching as he previously had on 
"our guilt toward the Jews.") 

Hermann Maas was not alone in his profession of guilt. Others 
spoke in the same vein, indicting not only the hangmen but also 
the millions who acquiesced. 

"Nobody wants to take the responsibility for the guilt," Pastor 
Martin Niemoeller stated in one of his first postwar sermons. 
"Nobody admits to guilt but instead points to his neighbor. Yet 
the guilt exists, there is no doubt about it. Even if there were no 
other guilt than that of six million clay urns, the ashes of burnt 
Jews from all over Europe* And this guilt weighs heavily on the 
Geraian people and on the German name and on all of Christen- 
dom. These things happened in our world and in our name. . . . 
I regard myself as guilty as any SS man." And yet very little had 
been done to help rescue the Jews during the years of Hitler's 
terror. Said Niemoeller: "We let God wait ten years." 




It is odd that Czechoslovakia, with virtually no anti-Semitism 
to soil its long proud record, had a lower percentage of Jewish 
survivors than any other Nazi-occupied country. The Czechs 
were always friendly toward their Jewish countrymen, and this 
attitude did not change, even after 1938-39, when the country 
suffered the consequences of Munich and was finally dis- 

From the start, the Nazis plotted the involvement of the na- 
tive populace in their anti- Jewish depredations. Vo]^^mche 
groups sprouted throughout the truncated country, but they 
failed to win adherents among the Czechs. Leaders of political 
parties issued statements condemning anti-Semitism. The Czech 
war veterans appealed to their countrymen: "Let us not lose our 
heads. Anti-Semitism is not in the interest of the Czech nation." 

Characteristically, the Nazis passed from incitement to acts. 
Imbued with the missionary zeal which thelFuehrer^instilled in 
them, they proceeded to burn down synagogues, rob, loot, and 
steal. No object was too small to engage their attention. In 
Moravska Ostrava they set fire to a Jewish almshouse. A crowd 
of irate Czechs intervened in an attempt to put out the fire. 
German police were summoned to disperse the angry knots of 
people. On the following day, the almshouse was still intact, 
guarded by a crowd of Czechs. Thwarted, the representatives of 
the Thousand- Year Reich set fire to a house of worship. A Czech 
fire engine was summoned, but this time the German police made 
certain that the Fuehrer's will was done. The pitiful little house 
was reduced to ashes. Of such triumphs was the glory of Nazi 
Germany compounded. 



As in other countries they occupied, the Nazi decreed that all 
Jewish shops be designated by the Star of David. But instead 
of shunning the Star-marked establishments, the Czech public 
favored them, thereby displaying both moral and material sup- 
port for the persecuted. 

Early in 1939 there were, in the "Protectorate of Bohemia 
and Moravia," approximately 120,000 "racial" Jews, including 
15,000 non-professing Jews. Of these, only a pitiful 13,000 sur- 
vived 3,000 in Czechoslovakia, of whom 500 were hidden by 
Christians; 7,000 were freed from the Terezin camp and later 
returned from temporary refuge in Switzerland; approximately 
3,000 returned from camps in the East. The rest were murdered. 

Why did so many perish? Why were so few helped? The most 
plausible explanation, in view of the Czech friendliness toward 
their Jewish fellow countrymen, was the Nazi terror. After the 
assassination of Reinhard Heydrich in June, 1942, this terror was 
intensified. In a small nation so thoroughly intimidated, the possi- 
bilities of rescue action apparently were reduced to the vanishing 
point. Another reason might be the fact that most of the Jews 
in the Protectorate were isolated from the rest of the population 
by confinement in camps, among them the huge ghetto camp, 
Terezin. Contact between Czechs and their Jewish countrymen 
was maintained largely through the gendarmerie recruited from 
pro-Nazi elements. But even among the gendarmerie there were 
those who displayed a spark of humanity and on occasion off ered 
help, as was witnessed by the case of the fourteen Czech gen- 
darmes executed by the Nazis for aiding Jews. 

In those few instances when contact was established even 
briefly between Jewish and Aryan Czechs, harmony and good 
will prevailed. A survivor of a Nazi camp near Pilsen tells the 
following story: On a certain day, the Nazis brought a group 
of camp inmates for a short stay in town. The Czech population 
greeted them warmly. The mayor, priest, doctor, and other citi- 
zens of note arranged a reception for the Jews. Instead of putting 
the prisoners in a barn or stable, as they were advised to do, the 


people prepared temporary billets in the local motion picture 
theater, brought linen and clothing, and supplied them with food 
and medicine. A few of the prisoners succeeded in escaping; they 
found refuge in nearby towns among the Christian populace. 

A friendly regard for the Jews on the part of the Czech gov- 
ernment-in-exile is a matter of record. On more than one oc- 
casion were their words of courage directed at their Jewish 
countrymen. But words, even so noble as theirs, were not often 
enough translated into deeds by those among the Christians who 
heard them. As a consequence, those marked for annihilation by 

the enemy died. 


Rudolf Masaryk was a relative of the great Czech patriot and 
founder of the Czechoslovak republic, Thomas Masaryk. An 
officer in the Czech Army, Rudolf was married to a Jewish girl 
who came from a distinguished Prague family. He was twenty- 
eight years old. In 1942, the Nazis decreed that Rudolf's Jewish 
wife (who was pregnant) be deported to Poland. Rudolf de- 
cided to accompany her. Their destination, according to the 
Germans, was a "health resort somewhere in Poland." Actually, 
the place was Treblinka. 

At the death camp, Madame Masaryk met the fate of all the 
other non-Aryans. Rudolf was spared. He attempted suicide 
twice, but failed. When a group of Jewish inmates of the camp 
began plotting an armed uprising, Rudolf joined them. Plans 
were made to gain entry to the camp's arsenal, to seize the guards, 
to destroy the camp's gas chambers and crematoria as well as 
the instruments of torture, to blow up Treblinka itself, this 
product of a monster-mind, and to liberate those of its inmates 
who could still walk or crawl. A small group of bold, desperate 
men took over the leadership of the planned revolt. Masaryk 
became part of that group. On Monday, August 2, 1943, the 
skeletal fighters struck. They fought with their bare hands and 
a curse; they had nothing to lose. They took the Nazi guards by 
surprise and seized weapons. Masaryk grabbed a machine gun, 


turned it on a knot of bewildered SS guards, and opened fire. 
Above the chatter of the bullets and the screams of the dying 
men, his own shouts could be heard. "This is for my wife!" 
Rudolf Masaryk bellowed. "This is for my unborn child!" 

Of the 200 bold and desperate men, no more than a score broke 
through the German fire, the barbed wire enclosure, the mine 
fields, and only a few of those made their way back to safety to 
relate the monstrous story of Treblinka. But Masaryk the Czech 
was not among them. He died. 


The recital of the fate of the Yugoslav Jews is brief. The 
Germans murdered thousands of them in co-operation with the 
puppet government of "independent" Croatia. The Jews who 
had fled to the Italian zone of occupation were rescued. A small 
number saved their lives by escaping to the partisans; but not 
many reached the guerrilla units because they operated in re- 
mote mountain areas and were continually on the move. A small 
number of Palestinian- Jewish parachutists were dropped into 
areas controlled by Tito's guerrillas to organize the rescue of 
Yugoslav and Hungarian Jewry. 

In 1941, partisans attacked a concentration camp near Nish, 
in Serbia, and liberated the imprisoned Jews. The Germans 
counterattacked, and the retreating guerrillas called upon the 
younger men among the camp inmates to join their ranks. But 
only a small number availed themselves of the opportunity. The 
others remained to lend aid and comfort to the old and the sick 
in their families. They aU perished. 


Although in the German camp, Bulgaria had a record second 
to none in its successful rescue activities on behalf of the Jews. 
The courageous stand of the Bulgarians in opposing the intro- 


duction of the Jewish badge has been described in another 

While the government partially acquiesced in the anti- Jewish 
policies of the Nazis, the Bulgarian people, representatives in 
Parliament, municipal councils, leaders of unions and the Church, 
manifested their resentment of Nazi racism in many ways. Be- 
tween 13,000 and 15,000 Jews in Yugoslav and Greek territories 
occupied by the Bulgars were deported to German extermina- 
tion camps. However, the Jews of Bulgaria were spared. The 
first abortive attempt to deport Bulgarian Jews aroused a storm 
of protest. Constant German pressure on Kong Boris to make 
Bulgaria judenrein proved of no avail. The Germans were able 
to wheedle from the Bulgarian authorities a promise to put the 
Jews in labor camps. The fulfillment of this promise, however, 
proved difficult, for Bulgarians crowded the railroad stations and 
interfered with the deportations. As a result, no more than 10 
per cent of Bulgaria's 50,000 Jews reached German concentra- 
tion camps. 

Rescue operations in Bulgaria were comprised of many facets. 
One tactic that proved successful was the veritable epidemic of 
"mercy baptisms" during the German occupation. Another was 
mixed marriages; in the years 1938-41, approximately 10,000 
mixed marriages were concluded between Christian Bulgarians 
and Jews trying to evade Nazis racist decrees. After 1941, con- 
versions were administered on a mass scale with both parties 
tacitly agreeing that the convert could renounce his vow after 
the war. Several priests were censured and removed by the gov- 
ernment for being too generous with their dispensations. A 
government order placed a deadline on conversions, ruling that 
only Jews who had been baptized prior to the publication of the 
racist laws were exempt. However, in many instances priests 
readily stated that a Jewish applicant for formal baptism had in 
fact been converted to Christianity some time earlier. The Bul- 
garian public wholeheartedly supported the clergy in this and 
other lif esaving deceits. 



The pattern of repression, persecution, and deportation of 
Jews was the same in Greece as in other countries occupied by 
the Germans. Here, too, almost from the beginning, a small, 
gallant minority of Christians risked death to help their fellow 
countrymen. The great bulk of the population, while not in- 
different, played the role of an interested if shocked spectator. 
However, this situation began to change after Archbishop Theo- 
philos Damaskinos, who later became a regent, intervened force- 
fully on behalf of the Jews threatened with deportation. The 
Archbishop's vigorous protest about the action contemplated 
against the small Jewish population of Greece created a stir 
throughout the country. Damaskinos' intervention was enthusias- 
tically supported by the president of the Greek Academy; the 
rectors of the University and the Polytechnic Institute; the chair-> 
men of the Association of Physicians; the Union of Newspaper- 
men; the Association of Writers, Painters and Artists; by 
lawyers, surgeons, dentists, industrialists, and chambers of com- 
merce. Joined in a group, these distinguished Greeks petitioned 
the Germans to stay the deportation of Jews and permit them 
to remain in the country under Greek police supervision, or on 
some island, if so desired by the occupying power. The Germans 
rejected this plan and proceeded with their own. 

The Gestapo struck before rescue work could be organized by 
the indignant Greeks. Salonika, where the largest number of 
Jews dwelt, was chosen as the first target. Only a few Jews suc- 
ceeded in eluding the Nazi net. The Italian army and civilian 
administration saved a number of victims. But despite this, and 
the intervention of the collaborationist Prime Minister, Logothe- 
topoulos, virtually all of Salonika's Jews were either slaughtered 
or deported. According to Rabbi Michael Molho, religious leader 
and historian of martyred Salonika Jewry, only 615 survived 
and most of those were partners of mixed marriages. Ten Jewish 


families were saved by Christian friends. Of the 45,000 Salonika 
Jews this pitiful few remained. 

In Athens, where the Italians held sway, the Jews were still 
free to go about their business. But in the autumn of 1943, after 
the Badoglio armistice, the Italians moved out of Athens and the 
hobnailed boots of the Germans were heard in all the city streets. 
Acting swiftly, as though fearing the loss of his prospective vic- 
tims, Dieter Visliczeny, Gestapo deportation expert, summoned 
Athens' Chief Rabbi, Elie Barzilai, and ordered him to submit a 
list containing the names and addresses of all Jews living in the 
city. Given twenty-four hours in which to complete his task, 
Rabbi Barzilai called an emergency meeting of Jewish commu- 
nity leaders and informed them of the Nazi order. After the 
meeting, he set fire to all the files and archives containing any 
information about Athens Jews. Two days kter, he appeared 
before Visliczeny and pleaded inability to comply with the 
order, the community archives having been destroyed during 
military operations some months before. The SS officer ordered 
Rabbi Barzilai to provide the list from memory, if necessary, and 
gave him forty-eight hours in which to do it. Word about the 
German ultimatum reached the Jews of Athens, who were urged 
to take advantage of the few precious hours of grace and seek 
shelter with Gentile friends. Leaders of the Jewish community 
insisted that Rabbi Barzilai take refuge, a notion he rejected until 
Archbishop Damaskinos prevailed upon him to change his mind. 
A Greek lawyer, aided by the Underground, transferred the 
rabbi and his family to a small village in Rumelia. Simultaneously, 
almost all Athenian Jews and an undisclosed number of refugees 
from Salonika and other places vanished from the city overnight. 

The effective rescue operation of the Athenian Jews could 
not have been carried out without the active co-operation of a 
large number of Greeks who risked their lives and the lives of 
their families. For one thing, the Jews required new identity 
papers and family names. With this in mind, the Greek Chief of 
Police, Ebert, issued secret orders to his subordinates empower- 


ing them to grant identity papers to all who applied for them. 
During a brief period, 6,000 Jews were equipped with false 
papers. There was hardly a Jew in all of the province of Attica 
who did not have a taflotita, a forged document issued by a 
competent police official. 

The second and equally important phase of the rescue opera- 
tion was the finding of living quarters for the new Aryans. 
According to the chroniclers of Greek Jewry, Rabbi M. Molho 
and Joseph Nehama, such aid was granted "unconditionally, cor- 
dially . . . They [the Jews] were billeted, fed, protected" by 
people who asked nothing in return. (A small number of Athen- 
ian Jews did not go into hiding. There were, among the several 
hundred who registered with the Germans, sick, disabled, or 
old people, and strangely enough a few stubborn souls who 
believed the Nazis would not harm them. All of these people, 
in addition to 500 caught in their hiding places, were deported.) 

To provide funds for those in hiding, various committees and 
assistance groups were formed throughout Greece. Some of the 
wealthier Jews, assisted by the Greek Resistance, crossed the 
Aegean Sea and landed at such places in Turkey as Izmir 
(Smyrna) or Yeni Tchecme (Nea-Vrissi), where small recep- 
tion committees met them and found shelter for them, arranging 
for their passage to Syria, Egypt, and Palestine. Approximately 
1,500 Athenian Jews escaped along this route. Many youths 
among the escapees enrolled in the Allied armed forces (Pales- 
tine Brigade, Free Hellenic Forces) after their arrival in Egypt 
and Palestine. 

The Jews of Challds, capital of Euboea Island, emulated their 
brothers in Athens and vanished one day after they had been 
ordered to register by SS General Juergen Stroop, exterminator 
of the Warsaw Jews. They disappeared in the rugged mountain 
country of Euboea, where Greek peasants and herdsmen gave 
them shelter. Some of them crossed the Aegean Sea to Turkey; 
the rest returned to their homes after the war. 

While persecutions were raging all over Greece, the 275 Jews 


on the island of Zante (Zakynthos) in the Ionian Archipelago 
were enjoying a brief immunity. Their commander, an Austrian, 
delayed the introduction of anti-Jewish legislation. When, even- 
tually, he was compelled to fall into line with his colleagues and 
issue the anti-Jewish decrees (particularly those concerning 
forced labor and registration), the whole Jewish community 
vanished. Many found refuge in the mountains; others joined 
Greek Resistance groups. 

Greek partisans facilitated the escape of Jews by providing 
safe-conduct passes or escorting them to remote places and sup- 
plying them with provisions. In isolated mountain hamlets and 
on small islands, the illiterate among the local population eagerly 
took advantage of those among the Jews who could acquaint 
them with the magic of the printed word. Jews were hidden 
whenever rumors spread of probable German raids. Once a Ger- 
man patrol was ambushed on Olympus while twenty Jewish 
families escaped from nearby Larisa. Greek partisans helped 
hundreds of Jews to reach the Aegean Sea, where a shuttle 
service was operating to the Turkish mainland. Trucks driven 
by partisans hauled passengers to designated spots on the rugged 
Greek coast where fast motorboats waited. A Greek Jew con- 
nected with Ettas, the Left- Wing Underground organization, 
arranged the sailings. A Greek boat making the dash across the 
treacherous Aegean usually carried between eight and ten 
refugees. The route became so widely traveled that both Allied 
and Axis espionage agents were said to make use of it, for reasons 
of their own. 

The Greek Orthodox church, always a power in the political 
life of the country, used its considerable influence to oppose 
anti-Jewish laws and, later, to help rescue the victims. The 
humblest papas of remote villages as well as the highest digni- 
taries of the Church enlisted in the crusade to help Jews. Itzhak 
Kabeli, a Greek-Jewish writer, relates an incident to illustrate 
the attitude of the clergy: A number of Jewish refugees came 
from Athens to a small village whose inhabitants had never seen 


a Jew, The local population displayed signs of hostility, and their 
priest upbraided them. "Do you know that Jesus was a Jew?" 
the clergyman asked the assembled villagers. "He lived and died 
a Jew. Therefore, I beg you in His name to save His brethren," 
Virtually the entire Jewish population of the town of Volo 
was saved by the intervention of the local Metropolitan, 
Joachim. One day the rabbi of Volo received a secret report 
from the mayor that the Germans planned to seize all the Jews 
on Rosh Hashanah (Jewish New Year). The rabbi immediately 
ran to Metropolitan Joachim to plead for aid. The Metropolitan 
invited the Greek prefect to come to his house without delay, 
and held a conference with him on ways and means of saving 
the Jews of Volo. It was decided to evacuate them all. The 
Metropolitan gave Rabbi Moshe Pessah a letter of recommenda- 
tion to a partisan group operating in the neighborhood of the 
town. Soon after the meeting, the Jews of Volo were alerted 
and quietly spirited out of town. Of the 822 Jews living in Volo, 
all but 130 were rescued. 



The largest Slavic country* conquered by the Nazis in the early 
phases of the war was Poland. As a matter of fact, Poland was 
the first target of German aggression and the first to be occupied. 
And yet, despite the fact that Poland suffered Nazi terror longer 
than any other country, the national spirit of its freedom-loving 
citizenry was not crushed. The Germans tried desperately, but 
never succeeded in creating a quisling regime as in Norway, 
France, and other lands. The Poles early formed guerrilla units 
and many paid with their lives. 

Since the attitude of the Poles toward the invader was hostile 
and uncompromising, one would assume this anti-German feel- 
ing would bear a relationship to the persecution of the Jews who 
were the first victims. We have seen in Western countries how 
opposition to Nazi anti-Semitism became an important criterion 
for patriotism. However, things were entirely different in 

Emanuel Ringelblum, who was in Warsaw during the German 
Occupation, made the following entry in his world-famed diary: 
"The opinion is prevalent that anti-Semitism has increased dur- 
ing the war and that the majority of Poles are pleased with the 
calamity which struck the Jews . . . However, the attentive 
reader of our material [material collected by the clandestine 
Jewish Archives in the Warsaw ghetto] will find hundreds of 
documents proving the contrary. In the reports from many a 
town he will read how friendly the Polish population has been 
towards the Jewish refugees. He will learn of hundreds of 
instances where, for many months, a Polish peasant has given 
shelter and food to Jewish refugees from neighboring towns . . ." 


The same author noted in his entry of February 21, 1940, a 
considerable improvement in the relations between the PoHsh 
intelligentsia and the Jews, citing the fact that on the first 
day after the closing of the ghetto, confining the Jews behind 
the nine-foot wall, many Christians came to offer bread to their 
imprisoned acquaintances and friends. He described the friendly 
attitude toward Jews on the part of officials in municipal coun- 
cils and even at police headquarters during the early part of the 
Occupation. He recorded instances of Poles taxing themselves 
in order to help Jews, of Polish hostility toward hooligans 
attacking Jews. Ringelblum also took note of the metamorphosis 
that took place in Cracow, where all Polish parties, including the 
PPS (Polish Socialist Party) on the left and the ONR (Camp 
of the National Radicals) on the right, instituted a tax to help 
refugees of Jewish origin. Polish customers sent parcels to their 
Jewish merchants in payment of debts. On the other hand, 
Ringelblum did not fail to record unfriendly acts and instances 
of hostility. He was not unaware that the anti-Semitic senti- 
ments of the Polish population provided a fertile soil for Nazi 
agitation. Even some of the underground publications of the 
Camp of National Unity praised Hitler's policy toward the 
Jews, although condemning the methods employed. Ringelblum 
devoted a great deal of space to the phenomenon of virulent 
anti-Semitism, the pogrom psychology and pogroms, and took 
the trouble to record instances when Poles had failed to return 
Jewish possessions. However, Ringelblum's conclusion concern- 
ing the future of the Jews in Poland was optimistic. Describing 
the anti-Jewish riot in Warsaw (October, 1939), he made the 
following comment: "Today I witnessed schoolboys from the 
Konarslti High School beating up Jews in the streets. Several 
Gentiles intervened. A crowd gathered to watch. Such things 
happen frequently of late: Poles protesting against assaults by 
Gentiles, a thing unheard of in prewar Poland." 

The well-known Polish actor Alexander Zelwerowicz, who, 
with his daughter Lena, performed courageous rescue and relief 


work on behalf of Jews, expressed a somewhat different view: 
"Polish society during the Occupation, regarding its attitude 
toward the Jewish tragedy, can be divided into three groups. 
The first group consisted of a great many individuals and organi- 
zations that heroically and spontaneously offered aid, realizing 
the peril involved . . . The second group, most likely the largest 
one, consisted of those who restricted themselves to mere expres- 
sions of sympathy, more or less sincere, and to ... condolences. 
And lastly, I believe only a small minority acquiesced in the 
final solution as proposed by the Germans . . . These people fol- 
lowed the German deeds with alacrity and pleasure and became 
de -facto accomplices of Nazism." 

In the latter half of 1942, when Nazi persecution reached its 
apex in Poland, organizations as well as individuals came forward 
with offers of help. "Jews were taken into theological seminaries 
disguised as clerics," according to Maria Czapska, social worker 
and writer. They were placed in "sanatoria as patients, hidden 
on landed estates, in parsonages disguised as house servants . . . 
Special hiding places were built for them with double walls and 
underground bunkers. They were armed with forged birth cer- 
tificates and German identification cards (Kennkarten) ." 

Among the archives of the Judenrat in Lodz, most of whose 
Jews perished, there are records of instances where Poles dis- 
played open sympathy and offered aid. A Christian bakery- 
owner in Brzeziny, near Lodz, produced bread beyond his al- 
lotted quota, and sent this rare, priceless commodity to the starv- 
ing ghetto. Both the baking of nonquota bread and smuggling of 
food to the ghetto were considered crimes. The baker enlisted 
the co-operation of children, who carried the bread to specially 
designated spots near the reservation wall, where they were met 
by messengers who took the precious cargo inside for distribu- 
tion. Generous Christians on the outside provided the ghetto, in 
the same manner, with quantities of fat and meat. 


A striking example of an awakened conscience in regard to 
Jews is found in the case of the lawyer and politician, Jan 
Mosdorf. A leader, before the war, of the rabid anti-Jewish 
Camp of Radical Nationalists noted for staging anti-Jewish riots, 
Mosdorf was arrested for Underground activities and deported 
to Auschwitz. At the camp, Mosdorf altered his views in regard 
to Jews. Some of the food parcels he received from friends 
(Christian inmates were allowed such privileges) Mosdorf dis- 
tributed among Jewish prisoners. As an employee in the camp 
office, he sometimes warned Jews of imminent selections for the 
gas chambers. 

The Jewish writer Wolf Glicksman, an alumnus of Ausch- 
witz, mentioned incidents of Christian aid to Jews: "When I 
arrived at Auschwitz I happened to meet Josef Cyrankiewicz (he 
later became Prime Minister of Poland) on the very first day. 
His initial act was to give me a sizable slice of bread. This was 
the highest expression of human charity at the camp. Another 
person of note, the prewar leader of the anti-Semitic youth 
movement in Poland, Jan Mosdorf, frequently risked his life to 
carry letters from me to a relative in the women's camp at 
Birkenau. Mosdorf worked at Birkenau and often brought me 
vegetables . . . and sometimes a slice of bread or articles of 
clothing." Eventually the Germans shot Mosdorf. 

Stanislaw Piasecki, editor of the prewar anti-Semitic journal 
Prosto z Mostu (Straight from the Shoulder) and an admirer of 
Hitler, had a change of heart in the early months of the Occupa- 
tion. Similarly, Adolf Nowaczynski, a well-known journalist, 
underwent a metamorphosis. Several lawyers who had in the past 
professed anti-Semitism balked at co-operating with the Nazis 
and were punished. "Nowodworski and other anti-Semitic law- 
yers," Ringelblum noted in a May, 1940, entry in his diary, 
"have now been arrested . . . They were invited [by the Nazi 
authorities] to make statements of their attitude toward the 
Jews. They refused. They said this was not the propitious time 
to raise the Jewish question." Ringelblum cited two additional 


"conversions" of a similar nature. "The former leader of the 
ONR in the Warsaw city council, Koziolkiewicz, speaks now 
about Jews in an entirely different manner from that before 
the war, simply unrecognizable." In another entry of the same 
period, the eminent historian noted: "An attorney who formerly 
voted for the 'Aryan paragraph' now carries with pride his 
notice of removal from the list for having a Jewish assistant." 

Witold Rudnicki, a member of the anti-Semitic National- 
Democratic party, repudiated his past and aided a Jewish girl, 
an Underground courier, to get in touch with representatives 
of the Polish Home Army (Armia Krajowa, A.K.). As com- 
mander of an Underground unit, Rudnicki, who was sixty years 
old, ordered the execution of four blackmailers who threatened 
to inform the Germans of Jews hidden in the village of Pustel- 
nik, near Warsaw. His apartment in Warsaw eventually became 
a shelter for Jews who escaped from the ghetto. He was killed 
during the revolt in Warsaw in the autumn of 1944. 

Aleksander Witaszewicz, landowner and member of the 
above-mentioned anti-Jewish National-Democratic party, shel- 
tered and fed on his estate near Siedlce, nine Jews for a period 
of two years. In 1942, Witaszewicz was compelled to send five 
of his "guests" to Warsaw, where they were hidden in the 
apartment of his former farmhand. Witaszewicz often came 
to Warsaw for the purpose of bringing food to the hidden Jews. 
An attack on his manor in 1943 resulted in his death. The assas- 
sination was interpreted by neighbors as an act of political ven- 
geance by an anti-Semitic guerrilla unit. 

Dr. Franciszek Kowalski, a lawyer from Zakopane, declared: 
"I was an anti-Semite before the war. Hitler's bestiality toward 
the Jews changed me. I had not imagined that human debase- 
ment as displayed by the Germans could sink to such depths." 
Kowalski concealed a twelve-year-old Jewish girl in his home. 

There were those among the anti-Semites who helped Jews, 
and others who co-operated with the Germans in their persecu- 


tion. There were both anti-Semites and philo-Semites among 
clergy, professional people, workers, and peasants. 

Rachel Auerbach, a Jewish writer and survivor of the Warsaw 
ghetto, writes of those who helped Jews: "They were university 
professors, railroad workers, bus drivers, priests, wives of high 
officers of the army, peddlers, merchants, peasants, particularly 
peasants who, for a single act of charity, giving of a loaf of bread 
to a Jew, a pint of milk or a night's accommodation in the barn, 
were cruelly punished, often killed, and their homes set on fire 
by the Germans." 

Ringelblum noted the following: "I heard from Jews of 
Glowno how peasants helped them during the whole of the 
winter. A Jew who went out to a village in search of food 
usually returned with a bag of potatoes ... In many villages, the 
peasants showed open sympathy for the Jews. They threw bread 
and other food [through die barbed-wire fence] into the camps 
. . . located in their neighborhood." 

Eve Horn-Rosenthal tells in her memoirs of an old acquaint- 
ance who agreed to shelter her and her husband in his attic for 
the price of fifty dollars per month. The police found out that 
Jews were being hidden in the village and made several searches. 
They did not find the Rosenthals. "But the villager was fright- 
ened and anxious to get rid of us. However, he appeared unable 
to bring himself to ask us to leave. He knew we had no place 
to go." Eventually, anxious for the safety and peace of rnind 
of their benefactor, the Rosenthals left to search for another 
shelter. After a number of miraculous escapes, they returned to 
the village, exhausted and without any means. "When the peas- 
ant saw us," Mrs. Rosenthal related, "he hugged and kissed us. 
He had been certain that we were no longer alive." During their 
second stay, Mrs. Rosenthal bore a child with the aid of a 
peasant woman who cut the umbilical cord with a pair of rusty 
scissors. Mrs. Rosenthal became very ill and was nursed by their 
host. The newborn child appeared healthy, but its lusty screams 
frightened the landlord as they aroused suspicion among vil- 


lagers. Eventually the child was placed with a wealthy peasant 
who believed the infant to be a foundling. 

Although there was not in Poland among professionals and in- 
tellectuals the open indignation against Nazi savagery that 
existed in France or the Low Countries, where Dutch physicians 
refused in a body to co-operate in the sterilization of Jews, and 
professors and students struck and demonstrated their hatred of 
the foe, nevertheless scores of Polish intellectuals concealed Jew- 
ish colleagues and aided in other ways. Thus, Wladyslaw Szpil- 
man, a well-known pianist, was saved from the Warsaw ghetto 
by Polish friends who took care of him in the Aryan part of the 
city. The world-renowned bacteriologist, Professor Ludwik 
Hirszfeld, a baptized Jew, found refuge in homes of Polish 
landowners. The prominent scholar and historian of Polish lit- 
erature, Professor Julius Kleiner, of Jewish origin, was rescued 
in a similar fashion. The actor and stage manager, Jonas Turkow, 
author of a touching and often brilliant book about the Jewish 
ordeal (The Way It Was), cites other instances of Christian col- 
leagues who offered help. Dr. Jan Wladyslaw Grabski, son-in- 
law of the former President of Poland, Wojciechowski, offered 
refuge on his estate to the well-known writer of Jewish descent, 
Dr. Emil Breiter, his wife, a Jewish attorney, Dr. Stanislaw 
Tylbor, a Jewish girl from Drohobycz, and a family who had 
lived in the neighborhood. 

In Poland, the big landowners and members of the nobility 
formed an important part of the intelligentsia. In spite of the 
fact that this group was, in the main, conservative and Catholic, 
their attitude toward Jews was in many instances helpful. Some- 
times landowners requested Jewish man power from the Ger- 
mans and thus saved many from deportation. The wealthy 
nobleman, Count Stefan Humnicki, saved fifty Jews from de- 
portation by employing them on his estate. After a Nazi order 
forced the withdrawal of Jews from private agricultural enter- 
prises, Count Humnicki hid several of the laborers. 

O. W. Maslak, a noted painter and librarian in Lwow, gave 


shelter to 100 Jews during one period when the Nazis embarked 
on a murder spree. Several of those hidden by Maslak escaped 
from Poland, but others joined his group. Maslak sheltered, fed, 
and looked after his "guests" until the Liberation. Professor 
Tadeusz Zaderecki, the renowned orientalist of Lwow, gave 
shelter to several Jews in his tiny one-room flat, sharing with 
them the crumbs to which he was entitled on his ration card. 
The writer of this book hid twice in Zaderecki's apartment for 
periods of several weeks. 

Many Polish writers, both Gentile and Jewish, created works 
dealing with the impact of Nazism on their land. A mere listing 
of books, poems, stories, and essays written during the war and 
afterwards would run into the hundreds. Most of the works 
expressed sympathy for the Jews who bore the main brunt; 
some revealed a deep sense of guilt. 

"For every Christian the slaughter in the ghetto was a bitter 
experience," Jerzy Zawiejski wrote. "The more so, because we 
realized that we had condoned these crimes for a long time. 
We did not rise against this evil when it was in the process of 
being hatched." Another writer, Jerzy Andrzejewski, noted on 
the third anniversary of the Warsaw ghetto uprising: "When 
they were fighting in the ghetto, where was our conscience? . . . 
The anniversary of the Jewish heroism is still a bleeding wound 
. . . Repentance is not enough. What we Poles ought to do is 
actively fight anti-Semitism among ourselves." 

Stefan Otwinowski declared: "I don't wonder that words 
of bitter reproach are heard from my Jewish comrades again and 
again. We would like to disregard these words but cannot . . . 
The terrible truth is that part of the Polish nation behaved 
toward the Jews in a cruel fashion." 

Although the Polish Underground was organized in an early 
period of the war, its concern with the anti-Jewish atrocities 
perpetrated by the Nazis was a later development. In his recently 


published memoirs, Stefan Korbonski, head of the Committee 
for Civil War in the Delegatura (governing body of Under- 
ground groups), declares that organized protest action against 
the Nazi slaughter did not begin until July, 1942. The frantic 
coded messages sent by Jewish Underground organizations 
through the Delegatura to the government-in-exile in London 
elicited no response from that body to the Underground's warn- 
ings of disaster. A month passed before the British Broadcasting 
Company informed the world that 350,000 Jews in Warsaw and 
thousands in other cities and towns throughout Poland were 
facing annihilation. Several additional months passed before the 
Delegatura received a reply from London. The authorities in 
exile, according to their reply, doubted that such crimes as 
described by the Jews had been committed by the Germans or 
were contemplated by them. Altogether, they considered the 
news from Poland as exaggerated anti-Nazi propaganda. In Sep- 
tember, the Committee for Civil War issued a declaration: "In 
addition to killing Poles, the enemy has been carrying on ... 
planned slaughter of the Jews. The scale on which this mass 
murder is carried on has no parallel in history . . . Jews are 
undergoing a hell of agony and degradation; they are thrown 
out of buildings, murdered, gassed, buried alive. The atrocities 
to which they are subjected dwarf everything in history . . . The 
number murdered exceeds one million and grows each day." 

The Committee further stated: "While we [Committee for 

Civil War] cannot rise to oppose this, we protest in the name of 

the Polish people. All Polish social and political organizations join 

in this protest. The responsibility for these crimes belongs to the 

and their collaborators." 

Two months elapsed, added to the precious time previously 
lost, before the first steps were taken to give tangible help to 
the Jews. The noted Polish writer Sophia Kossak-Szczucka, 
known in the Catholic Underground as "Veronica," joined 
Wanda Filipowicz (wife of a former Polish Ambassador to 
the United States), known to the Underground as "Alina," 


Czeslawa Wojenska, and others to form in October, 1942, the 
Temporary Committee to Help Jews. A proposal to establish an 
all-national Council for Aid to Jews was submitted to the Dele- 
gatura and received approval. The first clandestine national con- 
vention took place in Nazi-infested Warsaw in December, 1942. 
All political parties in the Delegatura were on hand. Julian 
Grobelny, a Socialist whose undercover name was "Trojan," was 
selected as chairman of the new organization. Grobelny, often 
invalided by tuberculosis, was an indefatigable ally of the Jewish 
Fighters' Organization (ZOB), aiding them in the purchase of 
arms. Neither his illness nor the Gestapo diverted this gallant 
man from his course. He witnessed the liberation of his country, 
then was struck down by his malady. Standing beside the coura- 
geous Grobelny were Tadeusz Rek of the Peasant party, Marek 
Arczynski of the Polish Democratic party, Wiktor Bienkowski 
and Wladyslaw Bartoszewski of the Catholic Front of Polish 
Renascence. In July, 1943, the Catholic Front withdrew from 
the organization, but the Left Wing of the Polish Socialist party 
joined. The Jewish Underground was represented by Dr. Leon 
Feiner of the Socialist Bund and Dr. Adolf Berman of the Jewish 
National Committee. 

The Committee's aim was to give financial aid to Jews hiding 
on the Aryan side, providing these Jews with spurious docu- 
ments^ finding shelter for them in Christian homes, establishing 
contact with forced-labor camps and lending assistance to their 
inmates, establishing and maintaining contact abroad with Un- 
derground organizations and partisan units. Abandoned and 
orphaned children were on the list of those to be helped. By the 
end of 1943, some 600 Jewish children were placed in various 
municipal, ecclesiastical, and social institutions in Warsaw. The 
successful results achieved in the children's department could 
not have been possible without the inspired leadership of Irena 
Sandlerowna, a social worker whose undercover name was "Jo- 
lanta." Furthermore the Warsaw headquarters of the Committee 
found shelter for 4,000 Jews and obtained Aryan documents for 


them; the Jewish National Committee aided approximately 6,000 
people, and the Bund 2,000. 

It is estimated that 20,000 Jews were hidden in Warsaw and 
its environs alone during the crucial years 1943-44. Branches 
of the Committee, known as the RPZ, functioned in Cracow and 
Lwow. A special department for field operations, headed by 
Stefan Sendlak, sent its emissaries to various towns Radom, 
Kielce, Piotrkow, and others to establish channels of commu- 
nication with Jews in nearby labor camps. Attempts were also 
made to aid the thousands of Jews roving the countryside, 
hiding in gullies, in caves, and trenches, or lying somewhere by 
the wayside, exhausted from starvation, awaiting death. 

The RPZ had to contend with the Nazis, the local anti- 
Semites, and with hundreds of extortionists who plagued Jews 
clinging to the Aryan sectors of Polish cities. These extortion- 
ists, recruited from the dregs of society, frequently operated as 
well-organized gangs and made a lucrative livelihood from 
mulcting Jews they threatened to expose. And emulating these 
hundreds of professional and amateur extortionists were the 
street urchins who ran after strollers and passers-by, threatening 
to expose them as Jews unless they parted with their dwindling 
supply of zlotys. 

By March, 1943, the RPZ urged the Delegatura to take strong 
measures against blackmailers, recommending the death penalty. 
The Delegatura promptly responded and published in its bulle- 
tin a statement which ended with the ringing words: ". . . The 
KWC warns that the blackmail incidents are recorded. The 
culprits will be punished by all the vigor of the law, if possible 
at the present time; certainly in the future." 

The warning, however, proved no deterrent at all. 

In 1942, having reached the limit of its endurance, the Jewish 
Underground began preparations for a final clash with the Nazis, 
the outcome of which was a foregone conclusion. The skeletal 
remnants of Jewry in the ghettos of Warsaw, Bialystok, Vilna, 
Cracow, and other towns were determined to force the Germans 


to pay dearly for achieving their avowed goal of making Poland 
judenrein. The handful of Jews knew beyond any doubt that 
they were doomed to die, and they were resolved to die fight- 
ing. But in order to fight, arms were essential. Their own nig- 
gardly stores were woefully inadequate, and they sent out an 
urgent appeal to like-minded Christians. The leadership of the 
Polish Underground, however, was opposed to a large-scale 
uprising in 1943. They were concerned lest such a Jewish upris- 
ing involve the Polish Underground in a premature clash with 
the enemy. As a result, the desperate efforts to obtain arms and 
munitions through the Delegatura brought only trifling results. 
At the end of December, 1942, during a period when the Nazi 
extermination squads seized Jews by the thousands and turned 
the ghettos of Poland into blazing infernos, the Jewish Fighters' 
Organization of Warsaw received from the Home Army a gift 
of ten pistols and ammunition. Fifty grenades and revolvers were 
delivered in February. The Jews, faced by a terrifying array of 
steel, sent out frantic appeals for more arms, but the Home Army 
and its chiefs proved adamant on that score, refusing to send 
anything further. The Jewish Fighters' Organization of Bialys- 
tok failed to receive even the small number of guns promised it. 
In Vilna, the request of the ghetto fighters was turned down 

The Jews rose, nevertheless, fighting the iron-clad foe almost 
with bare fists. The German incendiary bombs set the ghettos 
on fire, but the fighters burrowed underground. On the fifth day 
of the Warsaw uprising, the Jewish Fighters' Organization 
appealed to the Christians outside the wall: "This is a fight for 
your freedom as well as ours. Poles, citizens, soldiers of free- 
dom! Above the din of German cannon . . . machine guns , . . 
through the smoke of the burning ghetto . . . we, the slaves of 
the ghetto, convey heartfelt greetings to you. We are aware that 
you have been witnessing our ordeal with horror and compas- 
sion . . . Every doorstep in the ghetto . . . shall remain a fortress 
until the end. All of us will perish in the fight, but we will never 


surrender . . . This is a fight for your freedom as well as ours, for 
your dignity and honor, as well as ours. We shall avenge 
Oswiecim, Treblintka, Belzec, and Majdanek! 

"Long live freedom! 

"Death to the hangmen and murderers! 

"Our struggle against the enemy must go on until the end!" 

The impact of the manifesto on Polish readers was not so 
impressive as its authors expected it to be. And yet it cannot be 
said that on the Aryan side people did not shake their fists at 
the unparalleled barbarism of the Germans. There 'were verbal 
protests, but not enough help came from any source. The 
commander of the armed Underground forces in Warsaw prom- 
ised on several occasions to relieve the ghetto fighters by 
additional arms shipments and diversionary acts, but these prom- 
ises materialized on only a small scale. Aid of a nonmilitary 
nature was given when the Polish Underground provided the 
JFO with several men who worked in the Warsaw sewer system. 
A number of routes were mapped which enabled the besieged 
ghetto fighters to reach sewer exits located in the Aryan part of 
the city. Thus, ways for smuggling limited quantities of food 
and weapons to the ghetto were secured. After the Nazis had 
converted the ghetto into burning heaps of rubble, these routes 
served as avenues of escape for a few Jews, among them several 
small units of ghetto fighters. Seventy Jewish fighters who 
escaped through the sewers were transferred by the Polish 
Underground to the woods neighboring Warsaw, where they 
formed several small partisan units. However, constant German 
raids, the difficulties in obtaining food, the lack of arms, and 
their inexperience in guerrilla warfare decimated these groups. 
Some of the fighters disappeared under mysterious circum- 
stances, and it is assumed that they were murdered by a Polish 
anti-Semitic group. 

During the final agonizing days of the ghetto uprising, General 
Stefan Rowecki ("Grot"), commander of the Polish armed 
forces, issued instructions to "incorporate the fighters leaving 


the ghetto with their arms" into units of the Home Army. But 
only on very rare occasions were the Jews received into the 
rants of the A.K. For one thing, the rank and file of the Home 
Army units were often hostile to the Jews. Some partisan groups 
were virulently anti-Semitic. There were instances when Home 
Army groups attacked and murdered Jewish refugees hiding in 
the woods, even Jewish partisan units. During the Warsaw revolt 
in 1944, several Jews were killed in the streets. Murder was 
committed by members of the National Armed Forces (Naro- 
doive Sily Zbrojne), an independent military organization affili- 
ated with the Home Army; another group, a part of the A.K. 
known as Jedrusie, fell upon the pitiful remnant of Polish Jewry 
hidden in the woods and slaughtered them indiscriminately. 
There is no record that these assassins were punished or even 
censured by the chiefs of the Home Army or the Delegatura. 
Of course there were some in the ranks of the A.K. who reached 
out to help the Jews, but they were the exception, not the rule. 
A few men of the cloth came forward to perform what was 
in their opinion Christ's true work. Monasteries and convents 
opened their doors to Jews. In Otwock, Pludy, and certain 
other places, the convents of the Sisters of Maria's Family were 
outstanding in their rescue activities. No less effective was the 
work performed by the Ursuline Sisters (in Warsaw-Powisle 
and the provincial convents); the Franciscan Sisters in Laski; 
the Sisters of the Order of the Lady Immaculate (Niepokalanki) 
in Warsaw, Szymanow, and Niepokalanow; the Sisters Szarytki 
of the municipal hospitals in Warsaw; and in Otwock, by the 
Catholic personnel of the orphanages and hostels of the RGO 
(Polish Relief Council). Although a strong missionary zeal 
influenced their work, the aid these groups extended saved 
countless Jewish lives. In Lwow, after the Nazis occupied the 
city, according to the collaborationist Gazeta Lwowska, no less 
than 4,000 Jews attempted to evade the German net by baptism 
(Lwow had a Jewish population of 170,000). Gazeta L t wo<wska 
violently castigated the Catholic Church for accepting the appli- 


cations. A particularly vicious attack was directed at one of the 
priests of the Church of St. Vincent a Paolo who had approved 
of the conversions and defended the baptized Jews in his church 

In Warsaw, more than 6,000 baptized Jews were ordered by 
the Nazis to move into the ghetto, where they established their 
own churches. Food parcels were sent them by the Caritas 
Catholica, and several priests moved in among them to minister 
to their spiritual needs. 

Emanuel Ringelblum notes in an entry in his diaries dated 
December 31, 1940, that priests in aE of Warsaw's churches 
exhorted their parishioners to bury their prejudice against Jews 
and beware of the poison of Jew-hatred preached by the com- 
mon enemy, the Germans. In an entry of June, 1941, Ringelblum 
tells of a priest in Kampinos who called on his flock to aid 
Jewish inmates of the forced-labor camps in the vicinity. A 
priest in Grajewo similarly enjoined his parishioners to help 

During the early days of the German occupation, in October, 
1939, eleven Jews were seized in Szczebrzeszyn. Aid was sought 
from the local priest, Cieslicki. He promptly formed a commit- 
tee of Christians to plead with the German authorities. In 
Pruzany, Catholic nuns rescued scores of Jewish women by 
disguising them in the clothes characteristic of their Order. 

Several Jews of Siedlce survived in a bunker in the woods near 
Miedzyrzec, thanks to a monk who, having discovered their 
hiding place by accident, brought them food every day. 

In July, 1941, the Germans imposed a staggering fine on the 
Jews of Zolkiew; a Roman Catholic priest contributed a large 
sum of money to help the Jews. 

Andreas Gdowski, priest of the famous Ostra Brama Church 
in Vilna, saved the lives of several Jews by concealing them 
in the house of worship. According to Hermann Adler, a Jewish 
poet who survived the Vilna ghetto, Father Gdowski, in addi- 
tion to saving the lives of Jews, also took care of their spiritual 


needs by setting aside a well-camouflaged room in his church to 
be used by his "guests" as a synagogue. 

In Szczucin, on the Day of Atonement, 1939, the Germans 
staged a raid on all the synagogues. They harassed and beat the 
worshipers, ridiculed and spat upon them; they tore the gar- 
ments off young Jewish females and drove them naked through 
the market place. At noon, the vicar of the local Catholic church 
appeared in the market place in his sacerdotal vestments and 
implored the Germans to cease torturing the Jews and permit 
them to return to their prayers. The SS men, however, were not 
to be denied their afternoon of fun and frolic; they burned down 
the synagogues. 

A number of priests in the neighborhood of the death camp 
at Treblinka gave food and shelter to Jews escaping from trans- 
ports on the way to the camp. 

Father Urbanowicz of Brzesc-on-Bug was shot by the Ger- 
mans in June, 1943, for aiding Jews. For the same crime Canon 
Roman Archutowski, Rector of the Clerical Academy in War- 
saw, was sent to the Majdanek concentration camp, where he 
died of torture in October, 1943. Similarly, the Deacon of 
Grodno parish and the Prior of the Franciscan Order were sent 
to Lomza in the autumn of 1943, and were shot. 

In 1942, during the massive German raids on the Jews in the 
Warsaw ghetto, the three remaining rabbis received an offer of 
asylum from members of the Catholic clergy. The rabbis gra- 
ciously declined the proffered chance of escape and perished 
with their congregations. 

When, in 1940, the Nazis drove the millions of Polish Jews 
into the ghettos as a prelude to extermination, the major groups 
in the Polish labor movement issued a joint declaration: "There 
are no degrees in slavery and there are no better or worse 
categories of slaves. The Polish people understand this and 
reject with contempt the Hitlerian notion that they become a 
superior type of slave due to the fact that they are not enclosed 
in a ghetto. In the face of the savagery unleashed by the invaders, 


the Polish people recognize only two categories: those who 
submit and compromise with the oppressors, and those who 
oppose them." Much precious time elapsed and millions of lives 
were lost before these declarations were fashioned into deeds. 
At a conference of the Polish Socialist party held in Cracow in 
1941, the majority rejected active opposition to Nazi depreda- 
tions against the Jews. As a result, representatives of the two 
Jewish Socialist parties, the Bund and Poale Zion Right, left the 
conference in protest. However, local socialist organizations, 
trade unions, and individual Socialists established contact with 
Jewish groups in the ghettos. Antoni Zdanowski, Secretary Gen- 
eral of the Polish Trade Union Federation, came forward to 
offer help; Runge, leader of the transport workers, was another. 

A Polish Socialist, Pluskowski, was a clerk in the Warsaw 
city administration assigned by his superiors to work in the 
ghetto. He found the Jewish Underground, provided forged 
documents for many of their members, served as a liaison be- 
tween the ghetto and the outside, was a source of valuable 
information, and supplied the fighters with ammunition. His 
wife, not to be outdone, on one occasion supplied the ghetto 
with ninety-seven grenades. Pluskowski, who lived on the Aryan 
side, concealed eight Jewish families in his apartment. He con- 
tinued giving aid even after the uprising had been crushed. The 
Germans eventually caught up with Pluskowski and flung him 
into a camp. He was freed by the American Army in 1945, and 
was sent on to Paris through the efforts of the Jewish Under- 
ground group Brihah. After his untimely death, Pluskowski's 
family was aided by the Jewish Labor Committee of New York. 

Relief activities on behalf of Jews were initiated in Cracow by 
the Secretary General of the Socialist party, Joseph Cyrankie- 
wicz, later Prime Minister of Poland. During his confinement at 
Auschwitz, Cyrankiewicz and another Socialist leader, Stanislaw 
Dubois, aided Jewish inmates. The Socialist combat units were 
in constant touch with Jewish Socialists in the Warsaw ghetto, 
organized the escape of many from the ghetto, provided hiding 


places and protection. Outstanding in this phase of operations 
were Dr. Wlodzimierz Kaczmanowski, Dr. Maciej Weber, and 
Rytel Jan Szeliga. However, the aid provided was unfortunately 
far from adequate, especially during the period when the rem- 
nant of Warsaw's once-proud Jewry rose to make its last stand. 

The Communists, who after the outbreak of the Soviet-Ger- 
man war increased their Underground activities, sought to at- 
tract new adherents by indulging in spectacular actions. The 
Communist PPR (Polish Workers Party) sent a number of 
pistols to the ghetto fighters and engaged in several diversionary 
military actions on the outskirts of the ghetto during the upris- 
ing. However, these actions were carried out on a small scale 
and had no bearing on the ghetto battle. 

Toward the end of 1939, a Resistance group containing Jews 
and Christians was organized by a Polish youth of Jewish 
descent, Kazimierz Andrzej Kot. It attracted to its ranks physi- 
cians, lawyers, technicians, teachers, and musicians. The Gestapo 
smashed the group early in 1940, seizing 250 of its fighters. In 
and around Warsaw, Jewish fighters were active in Resistance 
groups, often in positions of leadership. In the Lublin district, 
close co-operation prevailed between Christian and Jewish armed 
groups. A Jewish youth named Szymek organized the peasants of 
Polichno into a partisan band. After he was killed in battle, the 
peasants, who had idolized him, buried Szymek in the Catholic 
cemetery. Even while the war against the invader was still rag- 
ing, and afterward too, peasants brought flowers to his grave; 
songs were written about him; he became a local legend. Yet 
few were cognizant of the fact that their gallant Szymek was a 

"Grab" Widerkowski, a former officer in the Polish Army, 
was in charge of a partisan group in the Lublin area. The group 
numbered 1,000 men and contained two Jewish units, one of 
them led by Hil Grynszpan, the other by Mietek Gruber. One 
daring action devised by the Grynszpan unit was an attempt to 
liberate 770 Jewish prisoners from the labor camp in Krasnik. 


Liaison was established with the Jews inside the camp, who were 
supplied with thirty revolvers and a number of hand grenades. 
A plan for concerted action was carefully elaborated; the revolt 
inside the camp was to flare up simultaneously with the partisan 
attack from the outside. Unfortunately an informer revealed the 
plans to the Nazis. Several days before the scheduled revolt was 
to take place, the Nazis seized the armed rebels inside the camp, 
killed the bulk of them, and transferred others to the camp at 
Budzyn. During the transfer, several scores of prisoners escaped 
and joined Hil Grynszpan's unit. 

A Jewish veterinarian, Dr. Mieczyslaw SkotnicM, was the 
commander of the mixed partisan unit operating in the woods of 
Parczew. Skotnicki's group fought many successful battles. He 
was killed in one of the skirmishes. 

In Poland, as in so many of the other lands where Hitler ruled 
briefly by fire, there were many unnamed heroes who helped 
during the days of the Jewish catastrophe. 



The Ukrainian? 

Several months prior to their invasion of the Soviet Union, the 
Nazis set up a plan for the total extermination of Jews in "Com- 
munist-infested areas," and for this task they prepared specially- 
trained assassins, the EixuMsgnijfpsn. These murder gangs, 
dignified by the name "commandos," followed the advancing 
German armies and methodically destroyed the remnants of the 
Jewish population (many Jews escaped to Central Russia and 
Siberia) . 

The vast territory over which these assassins operated may be 
divided roughly into two areas. Area A was comprised of the 
former Polish Belorussia, Polesie, Volhynia, Eastern Galicia, and 
the Baltic countries. Area B consisted of Soviet Belorussia, So- 
viet Ukraine, parts of Western Russia, the Crimea, and parts 
of the Caucasus. In Area A, the Einsatzgruppen failed in exter- 
minating the Jews completely, partly because of the quick ad- 
vance of the German armies, whom they were bound to follow, 
but mainly on account of economic reasons. Thus, a part of the 
Jewish population, particularly skilled industrial workers and 
craftsmen, managed to survive until 1943-44 in several ghettos, 
such as Vilna, Kaunas, Bialystok, and in several smaller towns, 
particularly in Eastern Galicia. In Area B, the Einsatzgruppen 
arrived when the advance of the German armies had been halted 
and the front was stabilized for a longer period; they were able, 
as a result, to accomplish their murderous task in a more leisurely 
manner, annihilating the entire Jewish population within a period 
of several months. 

Taking full advantage of the deep resentment of the peasant 



population against Communist rule, the Germans shrewdly at- 
tempted to link the grievances of the people with anti-Semitism 
under the name of Judeo-Comrmina. To carry out their plan of 
exterminating "all Communists, professional revolutionaries, 
Gypsies, and Jews," though not necessarily in the order named, 
the Germans sought to enlist the co-operation of the populace 
to a much larger degree than in Poland or in the Western 
countries. Their formation of Latvian, Lithuanian, Belorussian, 
and Ukrainian auxiliary police (militia) was not only for the 
purposes of security in the vast area; these units were frequently 
used in massacres, or as concentration-camp guards. The zeal 
and enthusiasm the auxiliaries displayed in their work, prompted 
their German masters to dispatch them to other occupied areas, 
particularly to Poland, where they helped in the murder of 
hundreds of thousands of Jews. The Nazis also succeeded in 
inciting many peasants and city-dwellers to commit excesses 
against the Jewish minority. The enlightened segment of the 
populace, among them the intelligentsia and the clergy, were 
outraged at the orgy of blood. With the exception of the radical 
chauvinistic groups collaborating fully with the Germans, vir- 
tually all social, political, and ecclesiastical groups remained 
aloof or made efforts to counteract the Nazi gospel of death and 
destruction. But these groups were weak, small, without any 
co-ordinating superstructure, and their hold on the people was 
insignificant. They were weakened by years of oppression and 
the loss of leaders who had either been forced to flee by the 
Stalin terror or had been jailed. Their protests were quickly 
silenced by German truncheons. 

According to statistical estimates of 1939, approximately 
1,500,000 Jews lived in the Soviet Ukraine and 600,000 in the 
former Polish sector ( Volhynia and Eastern Galicia) . Probably 
400,000 were evacuated eastward in 1941 before the arrival of 
the German armies. But this was partly offset by a forced 
migration of Jews from the West, several hundred thousand 
Jewish refugees from Nazi-occupied Poland, and also Jews from 


Hungary and Romania, deported to the area as forced laborers. 
These were all threatened with annihilation. 

Even before the outbreak of the Russo-German war, the Nazis 
had made overtures to the nationalistic Ukrainian leaders. Hope 
was kindled among the Ukrainians when, in 1940, the Nazis 
supported the creation of a Central Ukrainian Committee in the 
city of Cracow. As the German armies swept through Galicia, 
many Ukrainians were led to believe that the hour of liberation 
had struck. On June 30, 1941, the Ukrainian National Assembly 
formed a government in Eastern Galicia and nominated a presi- 
dent and a cabinet. The Germans reacted quickly, arresting 
members of the government that had hardly began to function, 
as well as the leaders of all the factions contending for power. 
On August i, 1941, Eastern Galicia was incorporated into the 
Gouvernment General and became an adjunct of the German 
Em^uuQp. ^Other former Polish provinces, Polesie and Volhynia, 
were joined with the Soviet Ukraine under the rule of the Reich 
Commissioner for the Ukraine, Erich Koch. Ruthless economic 
exploitation, mass deportations to Germany, and persecution at 
home all embittered the Ukrainians; illusions of German bene- 
volence were shattered. Even the nationalist parties which had 
formerly relied on the Germans were driven into opposition. 
A Ukrainian partisan movement grew rapidly, and the Ukrainian 
Partisan (Insurgent) Army enlisted 200,000 fighting men. In 
addition, numerous bands and guerrilla units sprang up to wage 
war against one another, against isolated German garrisons and 
small military units and Communist guerrillas; they also declared 
war against the Poles and Jews living in the Ukraine. 

Among the dregs of Ukrainian society, among Fascists, 
thwarted politicians, and a segment of the peasantry, there still 
prevailed a respect for the Nazis and a hope to share in their 
booty. It was from these elements that the Germans succeeded 
in recruiting their auxiliary police and the mobs that participated 
in looting .and massacring of Jews. These elements also supplied 


the Germans with a native Waff en SS and units of a regular 

Under such incredibly difficult conditions, the giving of any 
aid to Jews must be considered as nothing less than heroic. And 
yet acts of heroism did come to pass, and by a miracle of self- 
sacrifice or compassion a peasant, a merchant, or a member of the 
clergy or intelligentsia might rise to that summit which is 

reserved for saints. 

# # x * * 

Metropolitan Andreas Szeptycki, Archbishop of Lwow, was 
the titular head of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic church in 
Galicia. Born in 1865 of a distinguished Polish Roman Catholic 
family, he was the son of Count Ivan Szeptycki, a descendant 
of a Ukrainian aristocratic family that had become Polonized 
over a long span of time. His mother was the daughter of Count 
Alexander Fredro, a Polish playwright and political leader. From 
early youth Alexander Szeptycki was attracted by Ukrainian 
national ideas. He left the Roman Catholic and Polish milieu of 
his parents at the age of twenty-three and entered a Uniate 
(Greek Catholic) monastery, calling himself Andreas. In 1900, 
he was appointed head of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic church 
in Galicia. A trained scholar, author, and Hebraist (he once 
wrote a letter in Hebrew to a group of Jews petitioning for aid), 
he was the founder of the Ukrainian Religious Scholarly Society 
and of a journal. His extensive travels on behalf of Ukrainian 
political and ecclesiastical groups brought him to the United 
States in 1921, 

He was an old man in 1941 when the Germans spread like the 
locust over his land. But he rose up with magnificent scorn to 
castigate the barbarians. His own people he cautioned: "Thou 
shalt not kill!" When, in November, 1942, the Germans were 
massacring Galician Jews with the aid of many Ukrainians, 
Szeptycki threatened with "divine punishment" all individuals 
who "shed innocent blood and make of themselves outcasts of 
human society by disregarding the sanctity of man." He pro- 


hibited the rendering of religious services to individuals who 
embraced the Nazi gospel of murder. After the Rohatyn mas- 
sacre in which a number of Ukrainians were involved, Szeptycki 
wrote an indignant letter to H&afleeh Himmler protesting the 
employment of Ukrainian auxiliary police in such actions. 

Although the Metropolitan's interventions and pastoral letters 
failed to dampen the zeal of Ukrainian collaborationists, they 
made an impact on a great many peasants and workmen as well 
as on the clergy and intelligentsia. His became the ringing voice 
of protest. But he did not content himself with words. In his 
Cathedral Church on the Mountain of St. George in Lwow, 
Szeptycki hid fifteen Jewish children and several adults, among 
them Rabbi Dr. David Kahane, who after Liberation was ap- 
pointed Chief Rabbi of the Polish Army and is now a resident 
of Israel On orders of the Metropolitan, 150 Jews, most of them 
children, were hidden in convents of the Order of the Studites 
in Eastern Galicia. Among these children was the daughter of 
Rabbi Kahane, the sons of the martyred Rabbi Dr. Chameides 
of Kattowitz, and two sons of the rabbi of the great temple 
on Zolkiewska Street in Lwow, Dr. Yehezkiel Lewin, who was 
killed by the Germans. One of the "guests," Itzhak Lewin, later 
wrote a book and several articles describing his experiences in 
the Studite monastery. Approximately 500 monks and nuns, 
according to Lewin, had knowledge of the Jews' presence, but 
there was not one instance of betrayal and none of the Jews 
fell into Nazi hands. 

In his memoirs, Dr. David Kahane describes his first encounter 
with Metropolitan Szeptycki during the fateful days of August, 
1942, when 55,000 Jews in Lwow were slaughtered by the 
Nazis: "Together with my colleague, Rabbi Dr. Chameides of 
Kattowitz," Kahane writes, "I decided to go to the Metropolitan 
and plead with him to save the several hundred Torah scrolls 
which were stored in the cellars of the Jewish Community 
building at 12 Bernstein Street. Through the good offices of a 
friend of mine, the priest Dr. Gabriel Kostelnik, we got an 


appointment and were received by the Metropolitan in his resi- 
dence at the St. George's in Lwow. The Metropolitan was then 
an old man of seventy-seven, with a majestic white beard. He 
was half-paralyzed had been for a decade and lived in a 
wheel chair. He told us of his indignant letter to Himmler and 
the latter's rude rebuff, of his pastoral messages to the Ukrainian 
people warning them against committing murder . . . He agreed 
to store the Torah scrolls and to receive in custody Jewish 
children, but only girls. Hiding boys, he said, was dangerous, as 
they were circumcised and could be easily detected. However, 
he did not rule out the possibility completely and promised to 
consult his brother, the ihumen, Supervisor-General Clement 
Szeptycki, head and archimandrite of all Ukrainian monasteries 
... A half hour later we were received by the ihumen, who was 
only a few years younger than his brother . > . The ihumen gave 
us a letter to ihumine Josephine, Mother Superior of all nu- 
neries. This was on Friday, August 14, 1942. Sunday morning 
I went to the convent in Lyczkow at 4 Ubocz Street. Sister 
Josephine received me warmly and told me of her deep compas- 
sion for the suffering of the Jews." 

Eventually Dr. Kahane found shelter in the Metropolitan's 
palace, where he spent almost three years working in the library 
and giving Hebrew lessons to monks. 

Itzhak Lewin tells the following story: "My father was a 
friend of the Metropolitan. In 1942, when I found that the situa- 
tion was hopeless, I visited Metropolitan Szeptycki and asked 
him for help . . . Almost immediately he began a planned cam- 
paign to save lives. I spent two years in the monasteries of the 
Fathers Studites in Lwow, Luzki, and Uniw, in the beginning 
as a lay worker and, during the final and most dangerous phase 
of the war, disguised as a monk. Had I been discovered by the 
Germans, not only I, but all the monks and priests would have 
been killed . . . During one of his visits, the Metropolitan said 
to me: C I want you to be a good Jew, and I am not saving you 
for your own sake. I am saving you for your people. I do not 


expect any reward, nor do I expect you to accept my faith.' " 
Not all of his subordinates who hid Jews followed the Metro- 
politan's course. Either for reasons of safety or out of a strong 
missionary zeal, all the hidden children were by the end of 1942 
converted to the Greek Catholic faith. After the war only a 
small number of the children, and only those whose parents or 
relatives survived, returned to the Jewish fold. 

Szeptycki lived to see the Nazis crushed and driven out of his 
country. He died soon after the Liberation. A petition submitted 
by Archbishop Ivan Buchko for the beatification of the noble 
priest has been approved by the Vatican. 

The Lithuanians 

SS Brigadefuehrer Franz Stahlecker, Commander of Einsatz- 
gruppe A y operating in the Baltic countries, wrote to Heinrich 
Himmler on October 15, 1941: "On the basis of our instructions, 
the Security Police has initiated the solution of the Jewish ques- 
tion with all possible dispatch. However, we deemed it advisable 
that the Security Police should not put in an immediate appear- 
ance, as the extraordinarily harsh measures pursued might have 
a negative reaction, even in German circles. It is our purpose to 
show the world that the native population itself undertook to 
suppress the Jews." 

However, Stahlecker, who proceeded to recruit his mercen- 
aries from fascist partisan units, jobless police, and the under- 
world, discovered to his surprise and chagrin that Lithuanians, 
as a rule, shied away from the opportunity offered them by the 
Th + c>p^ady^iai Reich. "It was not a simple matter," Stahlecker 
complained, "to organize an effective action against the Jews." 
But the Nazis did not give up. Their perseverance was crowned 
with success when an obscure journalist, Klimatis, organized a 
small band of cutthroats who volunteered to kill Jews. He staged 
a pogrom in Kaunas on instructions and advice from a small 
detachment of an Einsatzgruppe. The Germans remained aloof 


from die action advertised as spontaneous in nature and purely 
native in character. Subsequently, on June 25 and 26, Lithuanian 
bands massacred 1,500 Jews, destroyed several synagogues, and 
burned down a Jewish district of sixty houses. In succeeding 
days, 2,000 Jews were killed. 

The Klimatis unit, consisting of 300 men, was soon enlarged 
with the aid of the grateful Germans, who were quick to rec- 
ognize its leader's talents. The enlarged group was sent on similar 
missions to other places. "This unit," Stahlecker reported enthu- 
siastically, "was assigned for pacification work not only in 
Kaunas, but in numerous other places in Lithuania. It did par- 
ticularly well in extermination actions," the commander con- 
cluded rhapsodically. Similar units of voluntary Lithuanian 
police were formed in Vilna and Shavli for the purpose of aiding 
the Nazis in "eliminating useless and undesirable people." In a 
period of less than three months, almost 150,000 Jews were 
massacred in the Baltic countries of Lithuania, Latvia, and 
Estonia. Having satisfactorily completed their task in these areas, 
Stahlecker and his superiors assigned a number of units to other 
areas, particularly to the Gouvernment General and Belorussia, 
where they further distinguished themselves as among the most 
outstanding of Hjgvn]$r]s J?ugils. Two battalions of Lithuanian 
snipers of about 500 men, trained in mass murder, were dis- 
patched to Lublin, Minsk, Lida, Slonim, and other places. Nor 
should their contribution to the German cause in the Warsaw 
ghetto be forgotten. 

Among enlightened Lithuanians there were expressions of 
horror and indignation. Several church leaders protested, urging 
their countrymen to abstain from the orgies of blood. "Are we 
to be Europe's hangmen?" one group demanded in a leaflet seized 
by the Germans. 

The fatherland Front jian Underground newspaper, on June 
i, 1943, appealed to Lithuanian policemen: "It should be clear 
to all that the German aim is to destroy the Lithuanian people. 
First they attempt to destroy us morally, taking pains to^tura 


all Lithuanians into executioners. Later the Germans will shoot 
us as they do the Jews, and will justify their acts to the world 
by saying that Lithuanians are depraved hangmen and sadists." 

The Nazi terror was denounced in other Underground publi- 
cations, but these were isolated voices; generally the dilemma of 
the Jews was not mentioned at all almost as though it did not 

Among the Lithuanian people there were murderers like 
Klimatis and there were the reverse those made in the image 
of God, like Anna Simaite. There were assassins, collaboration- 
ists, and informers; there were others who risked their lives to 
help the Jews. There were valorous men like Joseph Stokauskas 
of Vilna, who gave refuge in his office to several Jews escaped 
from the ghetto. He hid twelve Jews in a well-concealed section 
of the archives department of which he was the director. He 
informed two other officials of the archives department of his 
secret: the nun, Maria Mikulska, and a former mathematics in- 
structor, Zhemaitis. 

Dr. Marc Dworzecki, chronicler of the Vilna ghetto, cites 
seventeen Lithuanian scholars and university professors who 
helped Jews in various ways. 

A group of Lithuanians, among them former Minister of 
Agriculture Audenas, a professor of gynecology, a former editor 
of Lietuvas Zinos, and two teachers, became adept at hiding 
Jews, particularly Jewish children. 

Often the combined efforts of several families were required 
to save one Jew or a Jewish family. Professor Movshowitch, a 
well-known botanist in Vilna, found shelter in the home of a 
carpenter; was transferred to the residence of Professor Bielukas, 
a geographer, where he spent several weeks; was forced to flee 
to the home of Anna Nekrashovna, an assistant professor at the 
University; escaped by jumping out the window during a raid, 
and spent the remaining months before the Liberation in a fourth 
hiding place. 

The scholar and student of Jewish mystics, Julian Jankauskas, 


who was friendly with several Jewish writers, supplied his pen- 
colleagues who had joined the JFO with twenty guns and one 
machine gun. 

A minor clerk in the Labor Office in Vilna, Rutkauskas, drafted 
and sent 150 Jews to work in Germany on the basis of faked 
Aryan documents. Moreover, he hid a Jewish girl in his home, 
and gave another Jewish girl the documents left behind by his 
daughter, who had been deported to forced labor in Germany. 

"To be sure, Gentiles helped us," Zelig Kalmanovitch, the 
famed Jewish philologist of Vilna, observed. "They purchased 
food for us and sold it to us in secret [the Germans imposed the 
death penalty for such crimes] . Our gratitude to them! The sym- 
pathetic attitude of many people was a great solace to us. We 
should be very grateful for these sentiments." 

Some Christians went further, according to Kalmanovitch. 
"Saw a letter of a girl who is hiding with a Lithuanian peasant 
. . . Hundreds have saved themselves in this manner. Clergymen 
and peasants are concealing people." 

Before his death in a camp, Kalmanovitch observed: "Man is 
still better than is generally assumed. The Gentile woman in the 
market place who sells her goods cheaper to the Jewish woman 
buying from her clandestinely is good. Or the woman who meets 
Jews in the street and exhorts them not to lose faith . . " 

Thaddaeus, a poor Lithuanian peasant, was an old man whose 
cottage in the forest was filled with Jewish "guests." He and 
his wife Barbara spent many hours foraging for food to maintain 
those whom they sheltered. They accepted no money and sought 
no glory for their deeds. "I am not sheltering you for the 
money," Thaddaeus explained. "... I only want to prove that 
not all Lithuanians are like 

The attitude of the Catholic hierarchy in Lithuania toward 
the ordeal of the Jews differed according to locality. In Vilna, 
in the early days of the invasion, the Nazis pressed the higher 


clergy to issue a pastoral letter condemning Bolsheviks and Jews. 
The clergy complied, with a message containing a vigorous 
condemnation of communism, but failing to mention the Jews. 
This omission, according to Anna Simaite, was in itself an act 
of great courage. The Bishop of Vilna, Rainis, went a step 
further, boldly enjoining his parishioners to help the Jews in 
every way possible. He refused to give ecclesiastical blessings 
to a Lithuanian regiment joining the Nazi cause, since it took 
part in an anti-Jewish pogrom. 

Father Krupovitchius, leader of the Christian Democratic 
party and former Minister of Agriculture in independent Lith- 
uania, lodged a vigorous protest with the German authorities for 
the murder of Jews. He was deported and sent to a forced-labor 

Several priests in Vilna delivered sermons admonishing their 
parishioners to refrain from taking Jewish property or shedding 
blood; eventually these clerics disappeared. 

A priest who baptized a seventeen-year-old Jewish girl and 
aided her in other ways was tried in public, flogged by the 
Gestapo, and sentenced to forced labor for life. 

Father Lipnianus castigated publicly those who took part in 
anti-Jewish riots. He was seized by the Gestapo and carried off . 

The 200 Jews of Vidukle were driven to the local synagogue 
to be murdered. The local priest, Jonas, succeeded in smuggling 
thirty children out of the condemned building. He hid the chil- 
dren in his church. An informer brought this fact to the attention 
of the Germans, who ran to the church to retrieve their loss. The 
priest blocked their path, shouting: "If you kill the children, 
you'll have to kill me first!" The Germans did just that, and 
afterward massacred the children. 

Father Vaitchkus, a poet, friend of the Jewish librarian and 
writer, Balosher of Kaunas, baptized several Jewish girls in the 
hope of saving their lives. 

Father Dambrauskas, of Alsedzhiai (Olshad), concealed Jew- 
ish Torah scrolls until Liberation. From his pulpit he hurled 


thunderbolts at those who plundered and killed Jews, denying 
such killers the confessional. He sent large quantities of food to 
Jews hidden in the countryside by peasants. He was denounced 
and banished to a monastery in Calvaria. 

Latvia and Estonia 

In a report to his superiors, Stahlecker wrote: "It proved much 
more difficult to set in motion . * . cleansing actions in Latvia. . . . 
It was possible, however, through the exploitation of certain 
channels to set in motion a pogrom against the Jews in the capital 
city, Riga. During this action, carried on by the Latvian Auxil- 
iary, 400 Jews were killed and all synagogues destroyed." 

In Riga, the Germans were able to secure films and photo- 
graphs proving beyond any doubt that the "spontaneous execu- 
tions of Jews and Communists [had been] carried out by the 
Latvians themselves." 

Of the third Baltic country, Estonia, Stahlecker reported: 
"By reason of the relatively small number of Jews, no oppor- 
tunity presented itself to instigate riots." Half of Estonia's 4,500 
Jews had fled before the German invasion. All Jewish males over 
sixteen years of age were executed by Estonian Auxiliaries under 
the supervision of the Nazis; Jewish girls and women from six- 
teen to sixty were sent to forced-labor and concentration camps. 
The rest were executed. 


Evidently Stahlecker's jurisdiction did not include Belorussia', 
if it had, he would have been called upon to write a most un- 
satisfactory report to Hinpmier. The population of Belorussia 
showed no eagerness to co-operate with the Germans. Belorussia 
became, from the start, the classic field of guerrilla warfare 
against the invaders. Its numerous forests and swamps offered 
excellent protection for the fighting units. A considerable num- 
ber of Jews escaped to the woods and, as time went on, formed 
Jewish partisan groups. 


"Now as ever it is to be noted/' an Einsatzgmppen report of 
October 7, 1941, declared, "the population . . . refrains from any 
action against Jews. . . . They are not prepared to take part in 
any riots, in spite of our painstaking endeavors." In a later re- 
port, the attitude of the Belorussians was more extensively ana- 
lyzed: "No Jewish problem exists for the White Ruthenians," 
the writer declares, either deliberately or mistakenly referring to 
the Belorussians as Ruthenians. "Jews are the objects of pity and 
compassion. The Germans are regarded as barbarians and hang- 
men." K . 

According to a German observer, the massacres of Jews and 
particularly the carnage in Borysow in October, 1941, revolted 
the native population. "The eyes of the latter (non-Jews) ex- 
pressed horror at the ghastly scenes." 

Jewish survivors have reported aid given them by Belorussian 
Christians. In Minsk, seventy Jewish children were hidden by 
Gentiles. Dr. Vladimir Lukashenia, a physician, aided his Jewish 
colleagues in Baranowicze. The people of Byelovyezh helped 
Jews in various ways. Machol, SS and police officer tried as a 
war criminal by a postwar tribunal in Poland, admitted in his 
deposition that the relation between the Jews and Belorussians 
was friendly in the district of Bialystok. 



Finland was one of the few countries in Europe where anti- 
Semitism was practically nonexistent. The 2,000 Jews of the 
small republic were completely* integrated in the economic and 
cultural life of the country. After the Nazis took power in 
Germany, the Finns looked askance at the sweeping anti- Jewish 
decrees in the Reich. They were aroused to a fever pitch of 
indignation and disgust in the late thirties when the Hitlerites 
turned to looting and jailing German Jews. 

Wipert von Bluecher, German Ambassador to Finland in the 
years 193544, wrote in his memoirs: "A wave of compassion 
for the German Jews was evident throughout the country. . . . 
The situation became even more aggravated when the first Jew- 
ish refugees from Germany arrived in Finland. . . . An appeal 
published in all newspapers was signed by distinguished men in 
Finnish cultural life. . . . Money was collected for the refugees." 
Although the Finnish government took no official steps, the 
Ambassador observed ruefully that "members of the cabinet 
unanimously disapproved of the German action against the Jews. 
. . . One of the most distinguished Finnish diplomats [Hjalmar] 
Procope [Finnish Ambassador to the United States] , revealed to 
me his sympathy for the Jewish people. According to him, Fin- 
nish culture derives not only from Greek, Roman, and German, 
but owes a great deal to Jewish influence, first of all the Bible, 
but also to Spinoza and Lord Beaconsfield " The Ambassador 
was cautioned by a wealthy Finnish businessman that Germany's 
treatment of her Jews was losing for her all her Finnish friends. 

The loss of German respect and influence in Finland did not 
prevent these two countries from becoming allies in the war 


against Russia. The small republic, fiercely proud of its in- 
dependence, was soon forced to rely on its powerful partner 
for food as well as arms. The north of Finland was occupied by 
German troops, and Nazi ideological pressure made itself felt in 
the political life of the country. 

The first move to introduce anti-Jewish legislation was made 
in April, 1942, by three pro-Nazi members of the City Council 
in Helsinki. While this action was being indignantly overruled 
by a large majority, eight local Hitlerites in the Finnish Parlia- 
ment offered their own brand of anti-Jewish legislation. A wave 
of indignation swept through the country. The powerful Social 
Democratic party held an impressive mass demonstration, con- 
demning the native Nazis and urging Parliament to reject the 
anti- Jewish measure. 

Although frustrated by a vigilant people, the Nazis were in a 
position to increase pressure because the Finns were now almost 
wholly dependent on them. After long and seemingly fruitless 
attempts, the Gestapo had gained a foothold among the pro-Nazi 
elements in the Finnish police. Bluntly they demanded the sur- 
render of 300 Jewish refugees from Germany and Austria who 
were held in a labor camp at Suchsari Island. The Jewish com- 
munity of Helsinki intervened with the Finnish government, and 
the 300 refugees were hastily packed off to neutral Sweden. 

In July, 1942, the Germans began to press for a final solution 
of the Jewish problem in Finland. To impress the Finns with the 
importance of this matter, the Nazis sent Heinrich Himmler to 
negotiate many matters, including the "problem." Among 
Himmler 's entourage on the journey to Finland was his personal 
physician, Dr. Felix Kersten, and by this circumstance hangs 
a tale. 

Born in 1 898 at Dorpat, Estonia, Felix Kersten was graduated 
from high school in Riga, and during the civil war in Russia he 
enrolled as a volunteer in the Finnish Independence Army under 
General Mannerheim. After the war he became a Finnish citizen 
and went to Germany to study chiropractic. Settling in Holland, 


he gained a measure of recognition in his field. In 1939, Dr. 
Kersten received an urgent invitation to come to Germany to 
treat Heinrich Himmler for a neurogastric condition. Kersten 
accepted the invitation and impressed Hitler's chief henchman 
with his method of treatment. After the Netherlands was oc- 
cupied by the Germans in 1940, Himmler found Dr. Kersten 
and offered him the opportunity to serve as his personal physi- 
cian. The doctor sought the advice of his friend, T. M. Kivi- 
maeki, Finnish Ambassador to Berlin in 1940-44, and a professor 
at the University of Helsinki. Kivimaeki urged Kersten to accept 
the offer in the interests of Finland. 

As personal physician, Kersten spent most of his time with the 
hypochondriacal Himmler and accompanied him to Finland, 
where Kersten was to play an important role in the negotiations 
that were to seal the fate of Finland's 2,000 Jews. Kersten was 
not ignorant of Himmler's intentions in regard to Finnish Jews. 
He knew that Himmler intended to press for an immediate solu- 
tion; Himmler was prepared to demand of Finland's President 
Ryti and Minister of Foreign Affairs Witting the following: i. 
the surrender of Jewish refugees from Germany and Austria; 
2. the deportation of all Finnish citizens of Jewish descent whose 
names Himmler had brought with him from Germany. Aware 
of the facts, Kersten got in touch with Minister Witting soon 
after arriving in Helsinki. Witting listened intently to Dr. Kers- 
ten's report, and then explained his own position and that of the 
Finnish people in regard to this delicate matter of the Jews. The 
Finns, Witting declared, would not countenance Himmler's de- 
mands despite the country's precarious military and economic 
position; an obdurate position on Himmler's part would succeed 
only in further exacerbating the differences between the Finns 
and the Germans; an official note spelling out such outrageous 
demands might have disastrous consequences, since Finland could 
not be expected to yield. 

On the following day, Himmler informed Kersten that he 
intended to press the Finnish government for a quick solution. 


The physician made a cautious overture, offering his services in 
any and all phases of this matter in which his employer saw fit 
to make use of him. He volunteered to conduct preliminary talks 
with Finnish leaders, who were extremely sensitive about the 
Jewish question; in his opinion nothing would be lost if he, 
Kersten, were empowered to sound out Prime Minister Rangell; 
the German note, he reasoned, might be presented later, if 
necessary. Although this was a roundabout way of dealing with 
a vexing problem, Himmler gave his reluctant consent. The 
Finns annoyed him, but his hands were full elsewhere. 

Understandably, the small Jewish community of Finland was 
alarmed at the visit of the Chief of the German Security Police. 
They viewed Himmler's mission with the gravest concern, and 
petitioned their government to remain steadfast. Only a miracle, 
it appeared, could save them. 

While negotiations were in progress between Himmler's emis- 
sary and Prime Minister Rangell, Finnish Intelligence agents 
penetrated Himmler's apartment in Helsinki and photographed 
the contents of his portfolio, which contained detailed plans for 
the "final solution" after the Finnish Jews had been relinquished 
to the efficient Nazis. The Finnish cabinet, briefed by its own 
Intelligence about their extraordinary discovery, met in emer- 
gency session to chart a course. The meeting was extremely brief 
and dramatic. It was decided, with surprising unanimity, to 
reject Himmler's demands, to refuse the surrender of a single 
Jew, refugee or native. However, in order not to offend a power- 
ful ally, a course of dilatory action was chosen, 

"I had lunch with Foreign Minister Witting for two hours," 
Dr. Kersten noted in his diary. "He told me in regard to Himm- 
ler's demands, 'Finland is a decent nation. We would rather 
perish together with the Jews. . . . We will not surrender the 
Jews!' " 

In his report to Himmler, Dr. Kersten summarized the situa- 
tion: The Finnish cabinet agreed in principle with Himmler's 
viewpoint in regard to the Jewish problem. However, Finland, 


being a republic, was bound by certain laws. In order to sur- 
render the Jews to the Germans, authorization from Parliament 
was necessary. Unfortunately Parliament was in summer recess 
and would not reconvene until November, at which time ap- 
propriate action could be expected. Kersten did not fail to in- 
form his employer, also, of the Finns' attitude toward Jews and 
the consequences flowing from too hasty a decision. Himmler 
was not pleased. He reported by telephone to Hitler, who agreed 
reluctantly to wait until November when the Finnish Parliament 

In the meantime, news of the delicate negotiations leaked out 
to the press and the public. The influential newspaper Suomen 
Sosialidemokraatti published an indignant editorial in defiance of 
the censor, assailing Nazi racial theories and appealing for aid 
for the refugees. "The position of the fugitives," the editorial 
stated, "is in no wise enviable. There is no reason for making it 
worse. Let us take care . . . that with the return of peace no 
shadow is cast across Finland that might dim our otherwise 
bright . . . course." 

The government, in an unprecedented move, placed three 
vessels at the disposal of the Jewish community in Helsinki. 

November passed without any untoward incidents. Himmler 
held his fire until December and then demanded action from the 
Finns. Dr. Kersten, who again represented Himmler, returned 
to inform his powerful employer that the Finnish Parliament 
had sat only briefly in November because of the deteriorating 
military situation; the Finnish cabinet, Kersten further reported, 
had hesitated about bringing the Jewish decree before the legis- 
lators, fearing complications. Himmler flew into a rage and 
threatened to solve the Jewish problem in his own way. The 
Gestapo was alerted to proceed with its own proven methods. 
However, in view of the non-co-operative attitude of the gov- 
ernment agencies, action was instituted on a police level. Four 
Jewish refugees were seized and charged with crimes they did 
not commit. Gestapo-fashion, the innocent Jews were deported 


to an extermination camp. When news of the deportation 
reached the Finns, a wave of indignation swept the country. 
Co-operation at police level ceased. 

Late in October, 1943, Himmler returned to the vexing prob- 
lem of Finland's 2,000 Jews. He demanded of the new Foreign 
Minister, Ramsay, that the Jews of the small republic be placed 
at his disposal. When Dr. Kersten 'was informed of the blunt 
demands made by his boss, he confidentially advised the Finnish 
diplomat that in view of Germany's deteriorating military posi- 
tion, it was possible to conclude that Himmler's bark was becom- 
ing worse than his bite. 

Thus were Finland's 2,000 Jews delivered from Hitler's Chief 
Hangman. As for Dr. Felix Kersten, the wars he subsequently 
fought will be described in another chapter. 



At the outbreak of World War II, the Jewish population of 
Denmark was estimated at between 6,000 and 7,000 people. Most 
of them lived in the capital city of Copenhagen. The only other 
Jewish community of any consequence was in Randers, East 
Jutland. After 1933, approximately 1,200 Jewish refugees from 
Germany settled in the country. In addition, 500 refugees from 
Czechoslovakia worked as halutzim on various farms while await- 
ing transportaton to Palestine. In view of the later developments, 
mention should be made of the 1,376 half-Jews and an inde- 
terminate number of baptized Jews living in the country. 

As in Finland, there was no so-called Jewish "problem" here. 
The Jews were completely integrated into the life of the coun- 
try, having been granted full rights of citizenship in 1814. It was 
not until 1933 that the poisonous weed of anti-Semitism was 
planted on Danish soil. It took root in South Schleswig, where 
a small but noisy German minority of 50,000 lived. In other parts 
of Denmark, the political rumblings from Germany were either 
ignored by the populace or dismissed with lofty indifference 
verging on contempt. 

The pogroms loosed against German Jews in the middle 
thirties made a deep and painful impression on the Danes. Their 
King, Christian X, found occasion to demonstrate his and all of 
Denmark's attitude on the matter when, on April 21, 1933, he 
joined in the celebration of the one-hundredth anniversary of 
the Crystal Synagogue in Copenhagen. It was rumored that the 
German Ambassador to Copenhagen had tried to dissuade the 
King from attending, citing the harm it would cause to German- 
Danish relations. The King disregarded the warning. He came, 



with the royal family and members of the government, and 
cheered his Jewish subjects with a brief address. 

On April 9, 1940, the Nazis invaded Denmark in blitz fashion 
without bothering with the formalities of declaring war. After 
a brief and unequal struggle, the small Danish Army was crushed 
and the country placed under German "custody." Although a 
fiction of "independence" was maintained, the Germans did not 
delay in launching their campaign of repression. As was cus- 
tomary, the Jews were to be dealt with first. Nazi cells were 
formed, nourished, and then released to contaminate the blood- 
stream of one of the most democratic nations in the world. Col- 
laborationist periodicals financed by the Germans carried on a 
vicious anti-Semitic campaign. 

In a desperate attempt to counteract the flood of propaganda, 
two Copenhagen rabbis, the Orthodox Wolf Jacobson and Re- 
formed Dr. Marcus Melchior, quickly prepared a book, in 
Danish, of Jewish writings, tenets and principles of Judaism, and 
Jewish ethics. This small voice of truth ranged itself in unequal 
combat against the deafening roar of the Nazis. We do not 
know how the two gallant rabbis hoped to distribute their book 
to the Danish populace. However, a copy was submitted to the 
Kong, who promptly voiced his gratitude in a widely publicized 
letter. In his letter, the King took occasion to touch on another 
matter. He expressed satisfaction that the attempt to destroy the 
synagogue in Copenhagen had been frustrated; Christian did not 
mention the perpetrators, but it was known to all they were 

Early in 1943 the Germans began to prod the Danish govern- 
ment for ami- Jewish legislation in spite of the warnings from 
their, representative at Copenhagen, Dr. Werner Best, that such 
a move was premature. In a report to Ribbentrop on January 
28, 1943, Best declared: "Any anti-Jewish legislation copied on 
the German pattern would encounter the strongest opposition 
from the entire population, Parliament, the Government and the 
King. Prime Minister Scavenius informed me that in the event 


such a move is made, he will resign, as will all members of the 

Dr. Best's intervention was scornfully rejected by his superiors 
in Berlin. The obdurate Danes were bluntly ordered to proceed 
with anti-Jewish legislation, establish a ghetto, and enforce the 
wearing of the Jewish badge. King Christian balked, declaring 
he would be pleased to move from his palace to such a ghetto 
and would regard wearing the so-called "Jewish badge" as an 
honor. Opposition to the German plans of repression was voiced 
in all parts of the country. Pastoral letters were issued by the 
Bishop of Zeeland and others, protesting in the name of Chris- 
tianity the introduction of humiliating and- Jewish measures. 

The Germans retaliated. They arrested Danish officers and 
soldiers. The Danes, in turn, retaliated by scuttling the Danish 
fleet. Martial law was declared, Parliament dismissed, and the 
King placed under virtual house arrest in his palace. Dr. Werner 
Best was summoned to Berlin and accused of timidity in handling 
the Danes. Rising in his own defense, the representative to Den- 
mark from the Thousand-Year Reich promised to take any and 
all measures necessary to expedite the "Jewish problem," includ- 
ing the Fuehrer's favorite, deportation to death camps. His plan 
was approved by Hitler. A group of SS deportation experts in 
charge of the infamous Rolf Guenther arrived in Copenhagen 
to make arrangements. 

The Jewish New Year in 1943 fell on October i. This was 
the day chosen by the Germans for the start of their mass arrests 
and deportations. They prepared their snares with characteristic 
German thoroughness and in complete secrecy. It is difficult to 
predict what might have happened had not Count Helmuth von 
Moltke, who later was executed as a member of the German 
anti-Nazi opposition, received intelligence of this plan and passed 
it on to friends in Denmark. The shocking news also reached the 
Danes from another unlikely source. Captain Georg Ferdinand 
von Duckwitz, German shipping expert in Denmark, was in 
possession of a strictly confidential letter from his superiors 


ordering him to prepare four cargo ships. The four ships, in the 
estimation of Berlin, would be adequate to transport all Danish 
Jews in one mass deportation. Disregarding the personal danger 
involved, Duckwitz sought out Hans Hedtoft and H. C. Hansen 
(both of whom served as Prime Minister after the Liberation), 
and the Swedish Ambassador to Denmark. Duckwitz informed 
the three men of the danger facing the Jews. 

C. B. Henriques, president of the Jewish community in Copen- 
hagen, heard the fateful news from Hedtoft and Hansen. At first 
he refused to lend any credence to their report. "I don't under- 
stand how this can possibly be true," he repeated over and over 

Only a small number of Jews attended the synagogue on the 
morning of September 29, and thus only a very few were ap- 
prised of the German plan. Those warned of the coming disaster 
ran from the synagogue to sound the alarm among their relatives, 
friends, neighbors, and all Jewish acquaintances they chanced to 
meet in the streets. Members of the Danish Underground mobi- 
lized swiftly for the purpose of alerting the Jews of Copenhagen 
and other communities. Throughout Denmark, people were 
stopped in the streets and asked whether they were Jews or had 
Jewish friends or acquaintances. Danish families offered their 
Jewish countrymen temporary shelter while rescue action was 
being organized. 

The Swedish government, having learned of the German plan, 
instructed its Ambassador in Berlin to inform the Nazis that his 
government would undertake to transfer all Danish Jews to 
Sweden. The Germans ignored the offer. The 6,500 Danish Jews 
were within their grasp. There was only one avenue of escape 
for the Jews, and that was by sea, to Sweden. And German gun- 
boats were stationed along the water route to make certain not a 
single Jew tried to escape. 

And yet that is how the Jews escaped by sea. 

The story of the survival of Danish Jewry is the story of Den- 


mark's Christian freemen, who defied all the might of Germany 
to carry out one of the most miraculous sea rescues in history. 

Prior to 1943, the smuggling of people to Sweden had taken 
place on only a small scale. Occasionally a leader of the Under- 
ground was ferried across, or a former Danish officer who had 
earned the enmity of the invader, or a Jew with a premonition 
of things to come. Only small fishing craft had been employed 
in these operations. But the imminent Nazi roundup of all Danish 
Jewry presented the rescue workers with a gigantic task. The 
Jews had to be evacuated without delay. Even under the most 
favorable of circumstances this would have been a formidable 
task. The difficulties appeared insurmountable. In addition to 
warships blocking the sea, the Gestapo and German soldiers were 
thick as fleas at all ports of embarkation. 

How, then, were the Jews saved? As soon as the sobering news 
of the impending action against the Jews got around, a secret 
meeting of the Protestant higher clergy was convened in the 
home of the Bishop of Copenhagen, Fogelsang-Dagmar. With 
swift unanimity the clergymen present resolved to form an 
organization whose avowed purpose it was (i.) to rescue Jews 
and (2.) to rescue Jewish devotional objects such as Torah 
(Holy Writ) scrolls and other synagogue treasures. A group of 
young men belonging to the Danish Underground was em- 
powered to break into the Great Synagogue of Copenhagen, 
whence they removed 100 scrolls and other precious objects, 
including prayer books. This sacred treasure was stored in the 
cellars of Protestant churches in Copenhagen. Soon after the 
raid, a pastoral letter issued by the Protestant Synod urged all 
clergymen to become active in the rescue of Jews. 

A Pastor Gildeby who lived in Erslew, Jutland, where a Jew 
had never been seen, wrote an urgent letter to the Copenhagen 
rabbi, Dr. Marcus Melchior, inviting him and his family to take 
shelter with them. The rabbi, moved by the offer, cited the risks 
involved for the pastor and his family in inviting Jews to his 
home. Pastor Gildeby persisted, and Dr. Melchior came with his 


family to take shelter in the Jutland home. A special guard was 
organized to patrol the grounds outside the pastor's house. The 
townspeople, their curiosity checked by security regulations 
imposed by themselves, sent gifts and food parcels to Gildeby's 
house. The pastor's immediate superior, Bishop Flums, was given 
all the details of Gildeby's visitors. Incidentally, the Bishop had 
a secret of his own; his palace was the headquarters of a rescue 
organization that ferried Jews to Sweden. 

All over Denmark rescue groups, varying in size and effective- 
ness, sprang into action. Jews were escorted out of towns and 
taken to small villages near the sea, points of embarkation where 
they were hidden while they waited to be smuggled across to 
Sweden. The rescuers came from all walks of life; they were 
bishops, like Flums, farmers, businessmen, fishermen. 

Dr. Aage Bertelsen, for instance, was a pedagogue. Principal 
of Aarhus Cathedral College and an outstanding biblical scholar, 
he had shunned politics before the outbreak of the war. With his 
wife Gerda and several friends, Bertelsen formed a rescue or- 
ganization that eventually numbered sixty people. Known as the 
Lyngby Group, after the town in which it operated, these 
modern vikings who struck only at night smuggled 1,200 Jews 
past a flotilla of German warships, depositing them safely on 
Swedish shores. Eventually the Germans learned of Bertelsen's 
operations and surrounded his home. But Bertelsen successfully 
eluded the Gestapo noose, slipped out of town, and continued 
to direct the rescue operations from hiding places. Finally he was 
forced to escape to Sweden. The Germans arrested his wife 
Gerda, but she refused to divulge any of the group's secrets. In 
reply to the bludgeoning Gestapo official who pressed her to 
confess that she had participated in the smuggling of Jews to 
Sweden, the gallant woman asserted: "All decent people do!" 

Berge Aaudze was a newspaperman. During the German oc- 
cupation, in addition to organizing a network of Underground 


publications, he actively participated in the smuggling of Jews 
to Sweden. "Without the passive attitude of the [German] 
soldiers," Aaudze declared after the war, "we would not have 
been able to save so many Jews. . . . Some German officers, 
Socialists . . . cooperated with the Underground by warning 
us of imminent deportations." The Gestapo captured Aaudze 
and attempted to blackmail him by threatening to deal severely 
with his wife, children, and parents. Aaudze withstood the 
threats and the torture. One day he received a note from the 
Underground informing him that the British had captured the 
family of the Gestapo chief in Denmark. Several days later, the 
Gestapo official received the following impertinent note from 
one of his prize prisoners: "I hope my family will be treated by 
you exactly as you wish your family to be treated by the British. 

Signed: Aaudze." 

* # x * * 

Peter Freuchen's name is familiar to many Americans who 
read books about Arctic exploration. Those who frequent the 
United Nations in New York may more than once have seen the 
majestic figure of this giant with gray beard and the manner and 
dress of a sea captain. His wooden leg, the result of surgery per- 
formed by himself during an expedition to the frozen North in 
192 1, adds a touch of mystery and perhaps glamour to Freuchen's 
personality. Freuchen, a newspaperman, in a recently published 
autobiography refers to himself as a "vagrant viking." Like Ber- 
telsen and Aaudze and countless others, he belongs to the breed 
of free and fearless men that only a democracy can nourish. 

Freuchen crossed swords with Hitler long before the Nazis 
invaded his beloved Denmark. After the outbreak of World War 
II, Freuchen (then in his fifties) returned to Denmark and to- 
gether with friends organized the Society to Help Nazi Victims. 
He offered his island, Enehoie, as a refuge for anti-Nazis and 
Jews smuggled out of Germany. He also carried on resque work 
of his own long before the Germans invaded his native land. 
This work, of which both his Committee and the police were 


ignorant, consisted of singlehandedly rescuing German political 
and social refugees who jumped from excursion boats. "My is- 
land was strategically located," Freuchen writes in Vagrant 
Viking, "and as the boats filled with gay holiday crowds sailed 
peacefully through the Baltic Sea, I ran out to meet them in 
my speedboat. Passengers jumped overboard and I picked them 
up from the ice-cold water. Some of them were shipped to 
Sweden in small fishing vessels; others returned to Enehoie with 


With the Nazi invasion of Denmark, the guests at Enehoie 
were quickly evacuated to Sweden. But Freuchen chose to re- 
main in Denmark, where he joined the Underground. Seized by 
the Germans and placed in a concentration camp, he escaped 
during an air raid. His renewed Underground activities resulted 
in a second arrest. This rime the Nazis robbed him of his wooden 
leg to make certain he would not attempt another escape. But 
with the aid of the resourceful Danish Underground Freuchen 
escaped a second time. 

Money to carry on the vast rescue operations was always 
forthcoming, sometimes from mysterious sources. Pastor Paul 
Boxenius, nicknamed by the Nazis "The Shooting Priest" be- 
cause his activities in the Underground included, in addition to 
rescuing Jews, the blowing up of German communication lines, 
declared after the war: "When you needed money you simply 
went to a bank and asked the teller for 5,000 or 10,000 kroner, 
stating your purpose, and the money was promptly handed to 
you." The recipient, according to the pastor, was not required 
to identify himself or present any authorization for the request. 
Significantly enough, there were no records of any misrepre- 
sentation. According to Bertelsen, one means of securing money 
to defray the rescue expenditures was the ringing of doorbells. 
(Even children were busy collecting funds.) The Danish writer 
Per Moeller believes that 1,000,000 kroner was collected in this 


fashion in one day. However, it becomes clear in retrospect that 
the most important source of money was the Danish government 
itself, making its contributions through secret channels to the 
Resistance groups. " Within a period of ten days I borrowed 
148,000 kroner from a timber merchant I never met before," 
Aage Bertelsen states in his book October, '43, dealing with those 
fateful days. One day the head of a department in the Ministry 
of Commerce called on Bertelsen and left with him a brown 
package containing 70,000 kroner, the first installment on the 
money owing the timber merchant. Moreover the Danish gov- 
ernment informed the Swedish Ambassador in Copenhagen, 
Baron Dardell, that it was prepared to reimburse the Swedes for 
all the monies expended on Danish Jews who found refuge in 

Records were meticulously kept of all books, libraries, ar- 
chives, and other assets belonging to Jewish individuals and 
organizations, so that they could be returned to their rightful 
owners after the war. 

A man responsible for one of the most important aspects of 
the rescue work transportation was Viggo J. Rasmussen, who 
after the war became European director for the Scandinavian 
Airlines System. "I had two offices during the Nazi era," Mr, 
Rasmussen explained during an interview, "one for my formal 
business, the other for my work as Underground communica- 
tions officer. Our Resistance movement . . . was broken down 
into groups." So tight was the security system of the Danish 
Resistance that even Rasmussen did not know the exact number 
of people evacuated. It is estimated that more than 6,000 Jews 
were rescued within three months of the day the Nazis began 
their roundup on October i, 1943. Several hundred people fell 
into German hands during the raids, before the general alarm 
had been sounded. 

After the war, when the Danish- Jewish refugees returned to 
their country, each one of them was granted 4,050 kroner. The 
Jewish homes that had not been burned or looted by the Nazis 


were returned to their rightful owners. Some repatriates even 
found that their lawns had been mowed. A Jewish girl who came 
back to Copenhagen from the Theresienstadt concentration 
camp was greeted by her Christian neighbors with flowers and 
keys to her apartment. Entering her dwelling, she found an en- 
velope on the kitchen table with a large sum of money, "This is 
for your initial expense," a note read. 

In his October, '43, the gallant Aage Bertelsen makes the fol- 
lowing observation: "I do not know whether Jews feel more 
intensely than we do, but I have often been impressed how 
strongly and spontaneously they express their gratitude." 



Raoul Wallenberg was thirty-two years old in 1944 when he 
was catapulted into the field of Jewish rescue activities. Scion 
of a distinguished Swedish family (his grandfather had been 
Ambassador to Japan and to Turkey, and his father a prominent 
banker), Raoul's only contact with Jewish affairs was a casual 
visit to Palestine before the outbreak of World War II. Earlier, 
he had studied law in France, and architecture and engineering 
in the United States. After his return to Sweden, Wallenberg 
embarked on a business career and became, at the beginning of 
the war, co-director of a large export and import firm in Stock- 
holm, the Mellaneuropeiska Handels A.B. His partner was a 
Hungarian Jew, Koloman Lauer, whose wife and in-laws were 
stranded in Hungary. 

After March 19, 1944, when the situation of the Jews in Hun- 
gary became extremely precarious, there were a number of 
people in the capital of neutral Sweden concerning themselves 
with devising and executing rescue activities. Norbert Masur of 
the World Jewish Congress, who had such plans, was diligently 
searching for a prominent non-Jew to go to Budapest and or- 
ganize the rescue activities, with the aid of the Swedish Embassy 
and the financial assistance of the United States. Offers of Amer- 
ican aid had been made through the United States Ambassador 
to Stockholm, Herschel Johnson, who had asked the Swedish 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs to designate a prominent Swede who 
would be prepared to carry on rescue work in Budapest. Wallen- 
berg's selection may have come by sheer accident. His partner's 
offices were adjacent to those of Ivar C. Olsen, who was financial 
attach6 at the United States Embassy in Stockholm. Lauer and 



Olsen became friendly, and the former told the American about 
his partner Raoul Wallenberg, who was disturbed over the pre- 
dicament of Hungarian Jewry and desired to be of assistance. 
It soon appeared to all concerned with the problem that Wallen- 
berg was the suitable choice for the delicate and, as it eventually 
turned out, dangerous mission. The nominee at first demurred, 
but finally agreed. In order that he might have diplomatic im- 
munity in Budapest, he was appointed an attache of the Swedish 
Embassy in the Hungarian capital. 

He arrived in Budapest on July 9, 1944, his only luggage a 
briefcase containing a list of Jews to be given rescue priority 
and the names of Hungarian anti-Nazis whose assistance he 
might seek. He set to work without delay, establishing a new 
department under his charge in the embassy, the so-called "Sec- 
tion C," whose sole function was the rescue of Jews. From the 
initial twenty voluntary workers, the staff of Section C bur- 
geoned to number 660 persons, including their families. It goes 
without saying that all these officials and their families enjoyed 
a precarious immunity, being under the protection of the Swed- 
ish Embassy, and were reasonably safe from deportation or the 
harsh anti-Jewish decrees of the Hungarian government. The 
safety of his staff was not Wallenberg's sole concern; its ex- 
pansion reflected the magnitude of his plan which was the 
rescue of as many Hungarian Jews as possible. Through Section 
C, he issued several hundred Swedish passports to Hungarian 
Jews with relatives or business ties in Sweden. Moreover, he 
devised the "protective passport," a certificate emblazoned with 
the Swedish colors, the embassy stamp, and his signature. Within 
a short time, more than 1,000 people were placed under Swedish 
protection in this manner. 

Other neutral countries followed suit; the Papal Nunciature, 
the Swiss, Portuguese, and Spanish embassies issued protective 
passports. The Budapest director of the Red Cross, Waldemar 
Langnet, issued several thousand "protective letters" over his 
signature. In a short period of time the protective documents 


numbered tens of thousands. This sudden increase, however, was 
partly caused by uncontrollable factors. Underground printing 
plants sprang into action, manufacturing counterfeit passports on 
a large scale to fill the desperate need of Budapest's 300,000 Jews 
threatened with deportation. They operated independently of 
Wallenberg, but he did not denounce them, and when such 
documents were presented to him, he did not invalidate them. 

The Nazis and the Hungarian police accepted many of the 
spurious documents, often out of ignorance, occasionally on the 
logical deduction that the German battlefront, both East and 
West, was collapsing, and it was therefore advisable to establish 
and maintain friendly contact with representatives of neutral 
powers. Wallenberg, not unaware of this sentiment among the 
Nazis and Hungarian officials, took full advantage of it. On one 
occasion, learning that a group of Jews had been assembled at 
the railroad station of Josefvarosy for deportation, he drove there 
speedily, summoned the commander, and said: "I have it on good 
authority that among the people arrested by you for deportation 
are persons protected by the Kingdom of Sweden. This is an out- 
rage. I demand that you instantly release them or I will complain 
to your superiors!" 

While the bewildered German was gathering his wits for a 
retort, Wallenberg addressed the crowd of Jews: "Whoever has 
a Swedish protective passport, please step out." A score of per- 
sons responded. Wallenberg continued: "Whoever has any pro- 
visional protecting documents in the Hungarian language, please 
step out." 

Now a great many Jews responded. They stepped forward 
eagerly, holding up mail receipts, certificates of vaccination, ra- 
tion cards. Wallenberg solemnly examined the meaningless scraps 
of paper, nodding affirmatively in each instance, while the Nazi 
commander, who did not know Hungarian, watched his trans- 
port dwindle, 

But Wallenberg did not rely solely on hit and ran tactics. He 
established excellent relations with neutral legations and several 


high-ranking Hungarian officials and political leaders. He did 
not hesitate to promise certain influential government officials 
eventual Swedish protection and diplomatic servicesjinjthe event 
the Axis should collapse if they were helpful in his enterprises. 
Some Hungarian functionaries were won over by the prospect 
of cold cash. Wallenberg used the funds at his disposal freely, 
bribing, when necessary, in order to save lives. 

Together with other neutral legations he formed Section A 
of the International Red Cross, headed by the chairman of the 
Zionist organization in Hungary, Otto Komoly. He created a 
number of children's centers protected by the International Red 
Cross. These centers sheltered 8,000 Jewish children. 

On October 15, 1944, Regent Horthy announced to the na- 
tion his decision to negotiate with the Allies. A few hours later, 
the Germans struck, toppling the Horthy regime. The Regent 
was taken into custody and the government entrusted to Ferencz 
Szalasi, the Hungarian fuehrer of the Arrow Cross party. Losing 
no time, the Szalasi government, which had little or nothing to 
learn from the Nazis, proclaimed as one of its main tasks the 
"solution of the Jewish question." 

The Budapest Jews, living during this period in houses marked 
with a yellow Star (a closed ghetto was not established until 
November) were ordered to remain inside their homes for ten 
days. Jews who dared to leave their homes were murdered; their 
unburied bodies littered the streets of the city. In the meantime, 
the Szalasi gangs went from home to home, looting, flogging, 
and selecting victims for deportation. As this orgy of blood 
raged unabated, Wallenberg organized groups of young Hun- 
garian Jews into commando units whose function it was to bring 
food and medical aid to the home-blockaded Jews. Often dis- 
guised in the uniforms of the SS or the Arrow Cross, these 
commandos effected the release of prisoners from deportation 
transports, and defended Jews from looters and terrorists. 

Having loosed its gangs on the hapless Jews, the Szalasi gov- 
ernment attacked in another vital sector, declaring that only 


those armed with legitimate neutral passports were to be treated 
as privileged foreigners. Thousands of Jews who had pinned 
their hopes to the protective letters were threatened by this 
ukase. Wallenberg acted without delay. He got in touch with the 
wife of Baron Gabor Kemenyi, Minister of Foreign Affairs in 
the Szalasi cabinet, whom he knew to be of Jewish origin. He 
succeeded in winning over the lady, and her considerable in- 
fluence with her husband resulted in the rescinding of the order. 
Subsequently, Kemenyi interceded on several occasions to help 

But the Szalasi government and SS General Adolph Eichmann 
were not to be diverted from their ambitious and not unattain- 
able plan of murdering the rest of Hungary's Jews. Even the 
news that the railway leading to Auschwitz had been destroyed 
by bombing did not deter them. They issued orders that the 
thousands of Jews herded together at assembly points be dis- 
patched to the death camp on foot. The victims were put in 
charge of young Szalasi fanatics, who drove them on forced 
day-and-night marches with the aid of truncheons, whips, gun 
butts, and bullets. The victims were compelled to march without 
food or drink, and those who faltered and thousands did were 
shot. Even such a practiced assassin as the German Rudolf 
Hoess, commander of Auschwitz, who was on an official visit 
to Budapest, was moved to remark on the naked brutality and 
savagery of the Hungarian Fascists in charge of the columns. 
Wallenberg followed the columns, riding in his car, comforting 
the victims with bandages, warm clothing, and shoes. His ex- 
ample was emulated by members of the Swiss Embassy and by 
Catholic nuns offering bread, water, and clothing to the Jews. 

Back in Budapest, Wallenberg devised a new technique of 
saving Jews from deportation. He organized an intelligence 
service that provided him lists of Jews arrested for deportation. 
Section C in the Swedish Embassy was put to work manufactur- 
ing protective letters for some of the deportees. The documents 
were placed in the police files, and the Hungarian authorities 


were urged to remove all holders of such protective letters from 
the deportation transports. Usually Wallenberg had to appear 
in person at the assembly centers in order to prevail upon the 
commander in charge to release holders of letters. It has been 
estimated that by using this method Wallenberg saved approxi- 
mately 4,000 Jews from deportation. Other estimates place the 
number at 10,000. 

By November, 1944, only 100,000 Jews remained in the city 
of Budapest; the rest had been sent to their death. To speed up 
the extermination action, Szalasi decreed that all Jews move 
into a small, closed ghetto. More than 80,000 complied, moving 
into a cramped space, the so-called "Central Ghetto." The en- 
closure was not unlike the ghettos of Warsaw, Vilna, and Lodz, 
the only difference being that here the mercenaries were Hun- 
garian, instead of Ukrainian, Lithuanian, or Lett. Only those 
Jews possessing neutral passports were exempted; they remained 
in residences marked with the yellow Star and signs indicating 
they were under the protection of a neutral power. With defeat 
inevitable, the Szalasi mobs ignored the neutral protective signs 
on the buildings to wreak their vengeance on the Jews inside. 
The neutral embassies protested, but to no avail. As the embassies 
were located in Buda, on the right bank of the Danube, while 
the largest number of Jews were in Pest, news of attacks by the 
mobs was late in reaching them. Against the advice of his friend, 
the Swedish Ambassador, Wallenberg transferred his offices to 
Pest in order to be nearer at hand. He rented thirty-two large 
buildings, in addition to those already in operation, put them 
under the protection of the Swedish Embassy, and filled them 
with Jews seeking shelter. The Swedish Red Cross and embassies 
of the other neutral countries followed Wallenberg's example, 
and the so-called "International Ghetto" came into existence. It 
sheltered about 15,000 Jews. 

The Nazis, despite their assiduous courting of neutrals, de- 
cided to do away with Wallenberg, who had been a thorn to 


them since his arrival in Budapest. He went underground, but 
did not cease his operations. 

By December, 1944, the Russians had laid siege to Budapest. 
The fascist mobs, enraged at facing defeat, went out of control. 
They looted and murdered, attempting to accomplish in the 
few days left to them what they had failed to do in all the 
preceding months. Hundreds of SS men, accompanied by a like 
number of Hungarian policemen and several detachments from 
the Arrow Cross, converged on the two ghettos, the Central and 
International. Wallenberg, apprised of their action, came out 
of hiding to warn General Schmidthueber, commander of the 
German forces in the city, that he would be held responsible if 
a massacre were perpetrated and that Wallenberg himself would 
spare no efforts to have Schmidthueber hanged for the crime. 
As a result of this interview, German troops were ordered into 
the threatened areas. In addition, several Hungarian police of- 
ficials, bribed by Wallenberg's promise to protect them, helped 
to frustrate what was to have been the final massacre of the Jews 
in Hungary. 

The Russians broke through to the International Ghetto on 
January 16 and conquered the Central Ghetto on the following 
night. Although street fighting flared in other parts of the city 
until February 13, the Jews of Budapest were safe from the Nazi 

Even as the guns were still firing, the people of Budapest the 
Jews in particular sought to show their gratitude to Wallen- 
berg, a modern Moses who had come to them out of the frozen 
North. At the Jewish Central Hospital they named a building 
in his honor; the sculptor Paul Patzay was commissioned to cre- 
ate a statue of him. And soon there appeared a Wallenberg 
Street in Budapest. Elaborate preparations were made to cele- 
brate his valorous deeds, but Wallenberg, the bright star of the 
occasion, was nowhere to be found. He seemed to have vanished 
from Budapest. 


The following facts are known: On January 10, 1945, Wallen- 
berg met with his staff. On the same day he was seen in various 
parts of the city, attempting to secure food for his many "guests.'* 
Anxious to obtain Russian protection for the thousands of Jews, 
he moved his headquarters to the International Red Cross build- 
ing, which was nearer the fighting front. On January 13, a 
Russian patrol entered the Red Cross building and was met by 
Wallenberg. He requested that protection be given his charges. 
The soldiers were not authorized to negotiate, and they referred 
the Swedish diplomat to a Soviet officer, one Major Demchenko. 
Wallenberg was placed under Russian guard. On January 17, 
he appeared briefly at his former office at 6 Rue Tatra, accom- 
panied by three Russian soldiers. Upon leaving, he told several 
of his co-workers that he was on his way to meet Marshal 
Malinovsky, Russian commander, at his headquarters at Debre- 
cen, adding: "Whether as a guest or a prisoner I do not know." 
He was seen no more. 

The fact that he was placed under the protection of the 
Russian military was several times confirmed by the Russians 
themselves: in January, 1945, by the Budapest commander, Gen- 
eral Tchernishev, and by the Deputy Commissioner of Foreign 
Affairs, Dekanozov, who spoke of it to the Swedish Ambassador 
to Moscow, S. Soederblom; and a few weeks later, by Mme. 
Alexandra Kollontai, Soviet Ambassador to Stockholm, who 
similarly informed Wallenberg's mother. His co-workers in Bud- 
apest were interrogated by Soviet authorities, but none of them 
was detained. The Swedish government several times requested 
that Soviet authorities investigate Wallenberg's whereabouts. In 
his native land, a campaign for his release was launched, with 
more than a million Swedes signing the petition. Two biographies 
have been written about him, and many articles in magazines 
throughout the world have drawn attention to this heroic figure 
and his mysterious disappearance. Several former Axis officials 
released from Russian prisons in 1952 claimed they had seen or 
spoken with Wallenberg in a Moscow prison. On February 7, 


1957, a news dispatch from the U.S.S.R. revealed that Wallen- 
berg had died, allegedly from a heart attack, in the dreaded Lub- 
yanka Prison in Moscow on July 17, 1947. 

In Budapest, chiseled in bronze, the record of Raoul Wallen- 
berg's deeds is preserved for all time. 



Sweden was the only Scandinavian country that did not become 
embroiled in World War II. Surrounded by Nazi-occupied and 
Nazi-controlled areas, its main naval outlet, the Baltic Sea, com- 
pletely controlled by the Germans, the Swedish government, as 
well as the man on the street, was constantly aware of the pre- 
carious position in which the country existed. German invasion 
could not be discounted. Despite the ever-present threat poised 
like a Damocles sword, the Swedes did not hesitate to give shelter 
to many thousands of refugees from German-occupied countries 
and to thousands of prisoners released from German concentra- 
tion camps, among them approximately 12,000 Jews. 

It is not necessary to record here the official deeds of the 
Swedish government on behalf of the Jews of Belgium, Holland, 
and Hungary; it is our purpose to show that the people of 
Sweden acted out of a deep conviction and humanitarianism. In 
a democratic country such as Sweden it is difficult to draw a line 
between popular and governmental action. King Gustav, Count 
Folke Bernadotte, or Raoul Wallenberg were certainly moti- 
vated, in their efforts to save Jews and other victims of Nazism, 
by humanitarian rather than political considerations. Their 
words as well as deeds in this matter represented the people of 

In the early years after Hitler's rise to power, the highly 
civilized Swedes refused to believe the atrocity stories frequently 
told by visitors to the Third Reich. Their traditional sympathies 
for Germany and its culture deceived even independent minds. 
A change in the attitude of Swedes became discernible after the 
November, 1938, pogroms in Germany. It is true that a small 



number of Jewish refugees from Germany had entered Sweden 
as early as 1933. There had been some misgivings at that time 
among certain Swedish university students about a possible "in- 
vasion" of their medical profession by "foreigners." But these 
mild protests disappeared with the outbreak of World War II, 
particularly after the German occupation of Denmark and 
Norway in 1940. A number of non- Jewish refugee committees 
energetically set to work rescuing victims of Nazism. Simulta- 
neously, Jewish relief groups organized by the Jewish community 
of Stockholm, the Swedish Zionist Organization, and the 
Swedish section of the World Jewish Congress made efforts to 
secure entry permits for Jewish refugees from Denmark, Nor- 
way, the Baltic countries, Germany, Austria, and Poland. 

The first significant rescue operation jointly operated by the 
Swedes and Norwegians was the rescue of Norway's 1,700 Jews. 
In Norway itself rescue work was carried on by Nansenhjaelp, 
a committee led by Odd Nansen, son of the famous explorer 
Fridtjof Nansen. This committee also secured asylum in Scan- 
dinavian countries for a number of Nazi victims from Austria, 
Czechoslovakia, and Poland, among them many Jews. (In Janu- 
ary, 1942, Nansen was seized by the Nazis after the German 
occupation of Norway, and held as a hostage in the concentra- 
tion camp at Grini. While other Norwegian hostages were 
released, Nansen failed to win his freedom because of a "stub- 
born unsusceptibilky" to Nazi ideas, and his continued sym- 
pathy for the Norwegian Jews who passed through Grini on the 
way to Auschwitz. Eventually the Nazis sent him to Sachsen- 
hausen camp, where he languished until the end of the war.) 

In Norway, there were some who lived with the quixotic 
hope that, because of their insignificant number, the Jews would 
be left alone by Quisling and his Nazi lords. After the outbreak 
of the Russo-German war in June, 1941, the Nazis began hanivSS- 
ing Jews. Arrests became a common practice; anti- Jewish legis- 
lation was introduced. The vigorous protests of the Norwegian 
Church had no effect on the Invader. On the night of October 


25, 1942, the Germans descended on the homes of the Jews 
and arrested all males sixteen years of age and older. A month 
later, Jewish women and children were seized in the same man- 
ner. All were driven onto the German ship, Donau, and deported 
via Stettin to Auschwitz. Of the 770 deported, twelve survived 
and returned to Norway after the war. 

But not all Norwegian Jews were taken by the Nazi raids. 
Rumors of probable action had reached many Jews prior to the 
raid. The Norwegian police, instructed to co-operate with the 
Nazis, instead gave warning to the Jews. Those warned, took 
the only route of escape open to them Sweden. But Sweden 
was not a goal easily attainable. The frontier zone was an area 
of thick forests, wilderness, and mountainous terrain made even 
more inaccessible after the first fall of snow. The fugitives were 
spirited away from towns in buses or trucks, and driven to 
Eastern Norway. There they were hidden by Norwegian fam- 
ilies in sparsely-populated districts. Often the refugees remained 
in hiding for many days; sometimes months passed before they 
were able to make the crossing. Several Norwegian Under- 
ground organizations took part in the smuggling operations that 
brought into Sweden 930 Jews and 100 persons labeled by the 
Nazis as half- and quarter- Jews. Upon their arrival on Swedish 
territory, the refugees were provided with transportation and 
living quarters. Food was supplied by government officials and 
representatives of Jewish and non-Jewish committees. They 
remained in Sweden until the collapse of the Thousand- Year 



Hdomada Himmler introduced Dr. Felix Kersten to Count 
Ciano, Mussolini's son-in-law, as "the magic Buddha who cures 
everything by massage." Himmler suffered from intestinal 
spasms, and neither narcotics nor injections gave him any relief. 
Kersten was the first to treat the Hangman by manual therapy, 
and the results (unfortunately) were astonishing. During World 
War II, as the physical and mental strain multiplied, particularly 


when the Reich appeared to be losing the war, Himmler was 
subject to frequenfl^tacks and became ever more dependent on 
Kersten. An intimacy developed between the two men. Himmler 
confided in Kersten about matters pertaining to politics. Accord- 
ing to Kersten, he became confessor and consultant to this man, 
one of the most powerful and evil men in the world, and 
attempted to use his considerable influence in aiding victims of 
Nazism, an ism of which his employer was the outstanding sym- 
bol. From reading his memoirs, it becomes apparent that Ker- 
sten's influence frustrated his master's plan to murder the Jews 
of Finland, foiled the plot to deport 3,000,000 Dutch citizens to 
Eastern Europe, and helped in the release of thousands of Nor- 
wegian and Danish prisoners of war. 

Kersten, it appears, learned from Himmler directly of the 
Nazi plan to exterminate all of Europe's Jews. Himmler told 
him of this plan in the beginning of November, 1941. Himmler 
called a meeting of top representatives from various branches of 
the German government, police, SS, and the Nazi party, in order 
to discuss the implementation of what was to be the "final 
solution of the Jewish question." (The conference was post- 
poned and convened on January 20, 1942, in Wannsee, a suburb 
of Berlin.) 

According to Kersten, he discussed the monstrous Nazi plan 
with his employer on several occasions with a view toward 
changing Himxnlcr's mind. But Himmler remained adamant; he 
was determined to destroy what remained of Europe's great and 
proud Jewry. Kersten abandoned the notion of the frontal attack 
and resolved on winning small concessions, wherever possible, 
and modifications of the total scheme. His first opportunity came 
when he successfully intervened on behalf of Finland's 2,000 
Jews. In 1943, Kersten obtained leave from Himmler to settle 
his family in Sweden. This was the beginning of fruitful jour- 
neys between his villa near Berlin, and Stockholm. In the autumn 
of 1943, he initiated secret discussions with the Swedish Minister 
for Foreign Affairs, Christian Guenther, about the possibility of 


working for the release of Danish and Norwegian internees held 
in German prisons and camps; several additional months were 
required, Kersten stated, to win Himmler to the idea. In his talks 
with Himmler, Kersten expanded the categories of prisoners who 
might be freed. On December 8, 1944, he noted in his diary that 
Himmler had agreed to let him bring home the following 
"Christmas present": a number of imprisoned Danish and Nor- 
wegian women, students, policemen, and children; 1,000 Dutch 
women, 800 French, 400 Belgian, and 500 Polish women. For 
good measure, the Hangman also threw in 2,000 Jews to be 
delivered to Switzerland.^ 

In a letter to Himmler, dated December 21, 1944, Kersten 
wrote: "... I would like to refresh your memory, very respect- 
able Herf Reichsf uehrer, of our talk about the Jews. My request 
was for the release of 20,000 Jews from Theresienstadt [a con- 
centration camp in Czechoslovakia] for Switzerland. On your 
part you told me, to my regret, that you could not do this under 
any circumstances but agreed to release between 2,000 to 3,000, 
as a first installment ... I am leaving for Sweden tomorrow with 
an easier heart in the knowledge that your promise will certainly 
be fulfilled." 

In Kersten's opinion, Himmler, who earlier would have shot 
anyone interceding on behalf of Jews, was of a mellower mood 
in view of the desperate military and political situation in which 
the Third Reich found itself in 1944. Kersten was not unaware 
that Himmler, determined to save himself even as the Hitlerian 
edifice was slowly crumbling, was jockeying for a favorable 
position in the event the Allies agreed to negotiate. But even, 
though Himmler appeared willing, the release of a large number 
of Jews from the Nazi dungeons was no simple matter, not even 
for a man so powerful as the Chief of the German Security 
Police. It had to be done without Hitler's knowledge. Moreover, 
opposition was immediately encountered from Himmler's closest 
collaborators in the administration of Jewish Affairs, Ernst Kal- 
tenbrunner and Adolf Eichmann, To further complicate the 


situation, Hitler's obsessive determination to exterminate all 
his captive victims was implemented by a new order, an order 
to blow up all concentration camps before the Allies' surging 
armies reached them and freed the prisoners. 

Hillel Storch, head of the Swedish office of the World Jewish 
Congress, met with Kersten in February, 1945. He suggested 
that Himmler be petitioned not to carry out Hitler's order to 
destroy the camps and their inmates, whose numbers ran into 
the hundreds of thousands. He further suggested that Himmler 
be asked to permit parcels of food and medicine to be sent to 
Jewish inmates of the camps (non-Jews enjoyed such privilege); 
that all Jewish prisoners be concentrated in special Jewish camps 
under the supervision of the International Red Cross; that sev- 
eral thousand Jewish prisoners be released to Sweden and Swit- 
zerland, and 3,000 Jews with South American passports be freed 
from the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp. 

As Storch conferred with Kersten in Stockholm, two other 
representatives of the World Jewish Congress, Dr. Leo Kubow- 
itzki and Dr. Gerhardt Riegner, met in Geneva with the presi- 
dent of the International Red Cross, Max Huber. The Red Cross 
was subjected to considerable criticism during the war because 
of its policy of aiding prisoners of war exclusively, failing to 
intervene on behalf of those who were being exterminated by 
the enemy or to aid other persecuted groups of noncombatants. 
Critics accused the Red Cross of timidity and complacency, and 
demanded that the organization obtain the status of civilian 
prisoners of war for the Jews held in the ghettos and camps. 
Such status would entitle the Jews to the care and protection of 
the Red Cross. In October, 1944, the International Red Cross 
finally sent a note to the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs 
requesting that all foreigners held in Germany and German- 
occupied areas be recognized as civilian prisoners of war. 

The two representatives of the World Jewish Congress dis- 
cussed with Max Huber the imminent danger of a wholesale 
massacre of prisoners in German camps and prisons. The prob- 


Jem was again considered by a meeting of various national Red 
Cross delegations on February 26 in Geneva. Subsequently, 
Huber left for Germany to negotiate with the German author- 
ities. But even prior to the Geneva meeting, a distinguished offi- 
cer of the International Red Cross took it upon himself to confer 
directly with Himmler. This was the vice-president of the 
Swedish Red Cross, Count Folke Bernadotte. A seasoned diplo- 
mat and member of the royal family of Sweden, Bernadotte had 
no difficulty arranging to see Himmler. Prior to his meeting with 
the Hangman, who appeared more accessible now than at any 
time in the past, Bernadotte was briefed on matters pertaining 
to Jews by representatives of the World Jewish Congress, who 
had met him in London in November, 1944, and by the Con- 
gress' Swedish members, with whom he was in constant touch. 
He met with Himmler on February 19, 1945. This is how 
Bernadotte recorded the conversation in his memoirs: "He 
[Himmler] failed to make any mention of the millions of Jews 
murdered ... I asked him if he would deny that there were 
decent people among the Jews, just as there were among all 
races. I told him that I had many Jewish friends. To my surprise, 
he took no issue with me but said that we in Sweden did not 
have a Jewish problem and therefore could not undejs^od the 
German point of view. An indication ttfat Himmler had lately 
undergone a change so far as the Jews are concerned can be 
found in his agreement with Musy [a Swiss diplomat who nego- 
tiated with the Germans the transfer of a number of Jewish 
prisoners to Switzerland]. Later on, Himmler agreed that if 
necessity should arise, he would permit the interned Jews to be 
handed over to the Allied military authorities instead of remov- 
ing them from the camps where they were held." 

While Bernadotte was negotiating with Himmler, representa- 
tives of the Jewish Rescue Committee were meeting in Buda- 
pest with Adolf Eichmann. The question arises: Were all these 
actions co-ordinated? The answer is in the negative, although 
it should be stated that the time was propitious. Moreover, 


co-ordination was eventually achieved between Bernadotte and 
Kersten, after initial differences of opinion. The nature of their 
differences and disagreements is not clear. Himmler, experienced 
at intrigue, once remarked to Kersten: "Bernadotte understands 
the Jewish peril. He refuses to take any Jews to Sweden. Now 
you speak for them and claim that Sweden will take them! 
Which of you am I to believe?" Unquestionably the unscrupu- 
lous Himmler distorted Bernadotte's words, but the fact remains 
that there were divergences of opinion between Bernadotte and 
Kersten. Bernadotte, the skilled diplomat, apparently saw no 
advantage in dwelling on the Jewish issue and wanted Kersten 
to refrain from mentioning the Jews, particularly to Himmler. 
The logic of his argument was that direct references to Jews 
irritated the Nazis and made Himmler's position as negotiator 
more difficult. Bernadotte assumed that once an agreement had 
been reached to release prisoners in general, as many Jews as 
possible could be included in the rescue action. On his part, 
Kersten feared that unless the Jews were specifically mentioned 
in an agreement, they would be left out of the rescue plans. 
Eventually, the demand for the release of Jews was explicitly 
entered into the agreement with Himmler. It appears that both 
men, Kersten and Bernadotte, successfully negotiated with 

Kersten and Himmler signed their first important agreement 
on March 12, 1945. The agreement included the following 
points: Himmler pledged to ignore Hitler's orders to destroy the 
concentration camps and kill all the prisoners; the concentration 
camps would not be evacuated as the Allied armies continued 
their advance, but would be surrendered to the Allies in good 
order, with white banners; the killing of Jews would cease forth- 
with. Himmler signed the agreement as "Reichsfuhrer SS," and 
Kersten, officially representing no one, put down, "In the name 
of humanity." 

According to Kersten, negotiations continued between them. 
On March 15 he again suggested to Himmler the transfer of 


certain categories of Jewish prisoners to Switzerland and Swe- 
den, a matter discussed several months before. Hirnmler agreed 
to give the matter his prompt attention and to discuss it with 

Several days later, on March zi, Himmler notified Kersten 
that two trainloads of Jewish prisoners had left for Switzerland. 
However, no mention was made in his letter of any comparable 
release to Sweden. "You will be glad to learn," Himmler wrote 
Kersten, "that I have taken action, thus realizing what was once 
a mere idea discussed by both of us. Two thousand, seven hun- 
dred Jewish men, women, and children have been taken to 
Switzerland by train. This achievement is in line with a policy 
I and my co-workers have been pursuing for years and which 
the war made it impossible to continue." Distorting history at 
will, Himmler went on: "You must surely know that in the 
years 1936, 1937, 1938, 1939, and 1940, I founded an organiza- 
tion in conjunction with Jewish- American societies, which did 
excellent work. The transportation of Jews to Switzerland is a 
continuation of this work." 

Thus the Grand Inquisitor of the Thousand- Year Reich, the 
man who projected, sponsored, and developed the SS, Gestapo, 
and Special Police with their arsenal of torture instruments, the 
creator and sponsor of gas ovens and crematoria, the man who 
in his speech of October, 1943, in Posen, to top officers of the 
SS posed as the modern Genghis Khan and recommended the 
extermination of all Jews, thereby to write a "page of glory in 
our history" this man who now saw unmistakably the hand- 
writing on the wall sought to exorcise the orgy of blood which 
was his past. The rotten edifice of Nazism was crumbling and 
Himmler was desperately attempting to save his own sldn.(3 

The news of the release of Jewish prisoners elicited a charac- 
teristic outburst of rage from Hitler, but for the moment this 
was the only reaction. He did not propose to shoot Himmler, as 
the latter had feared. 

On March 17, Kersten made a new move. He startled Hirnm- 


ler by suggesting he meet with a representative of the World 
Jewish Congress. At first Himmler rejected the notion of meet- 
ing with a Jew as utterly fantastic. Quite apart from moral scru- 
ples, with which Himmler was never encumbered, he doubted 
the soundness of the idea. "I cannot receive a Jewish visitor," he 
complained to Kersten. "If the Fuehrer learns of my having a 
Jewish visitor, he will have me shot." Kersten asserts that he at- 
tempted to mollify his boss, assuring him that such a meeting, 
if it came off, would be held in strict secrecy. Himmler finally 
relented. Kersten left for Stockholm and presented to Min- 
ister Guenther a list of 20,000 to 25,000 concentration camp 
inmates to be released to Sweden. Among the prisoners, who 
included Dutch, Norwegian, Belgian, French, and Polish nation- 
als, were between 5,000 and 6,000 Jews. Guenther was pleased 
and assured Kersten that all the refugees would be "heartily 
welcomed in Sweden." Kersten then saw Hillel Storch of the 
World Jewish Congress and suggested a meeting with Himmler 
on his, Kersten's, estate, near Berlin. Storch readily agreed to 
submit the suggestion to an emergency meeting of the Congress. 
The Swedish section of the Congress accepted the suggestion 
after a wrangle, some members of the organization expressing 
shock at the very idea of negotiating with Hitler's Chief Execu- 
tioner. However, the prospect that a substantial number of Jew- 
ish survivors might be saved by such action won over the 
opposition. It was agreed that one of those present should 
volunteer for this dangerous and unpleasant mission, but not as 
a representative of the World Jewish Congress; he was J:o go as 
a private citizen, representing himself. Several volunteered, and 
Norbert Masur was chosen. 

But Masur had no German entry permit, Himmler having 
insisted that, for the sake of secrecy, the Jew not apply for a visa 
at the German Embassy in Stockholm. Masur was to travel 
armed with no more than a letter of safe-conduct, without his 
name being inscribed on it. The document, signed by an SS 
Brigadvfnehrer, was to be handed to Masur upon his arrival at 


Templehof Airport in Berlin. In Stockholm on April 19, at 2:00 
P.M., Masur, accompanied by Kersten, boarded a plane carrying 
Red Cross packages to Germany. They arrived at Tempelhof 
four hours later and drove through the bomb-scarred capital to 
Kersten's villa in Hartzwalde. Himmler put in an appearance 
well past midnight, accompanied by two SS advisers. "I wish 
to bury the hatchet between us and the Jews," he declared to 
Kersten before the meeting with Masur began. 

Prior to the introductions, Masur had asked himself: "Will 
this de facto master of Germany behave like the despot he is 
or will he show signs of contrition? Soon, I said to myself, you 
will be facing the man who put to death millions of Jews. 
Understandably, I was agitated." 

Himmler's manner was proper. He launched into a dissertation 
on his past attitude toward the Jews, which in his opinion always 
had been guided by fairness and objectivity. After he had fin- 
ished his long apologia, that impressed no one, he proceeded 
to the point. He estimated that 65,000 to 70,000 Jews were 
held in three large concentration camps still in German hands: 
Theresienstadt, Ravensbrueck, and Mauthausen. After pro- 
tracted and miserly bickering on his part, Himmler finally agreed 
to release 1,000 Jewish women from Ravensbrueck, to be trans- 
ported to Sweden by the Red Cross. But he insisted those 
released were to be designated as Polish and their arrival in 
Sweden be held in strict secrecy. He dangled before Masur the 
hope of releasing a number of Jews from Theresienstadt. 

Several hours after the Masur visit, Himmler saw Bernadotte 
and discussed with him the problem of transportation by the 
Red Cross. Himmler, it appears, began to vacillate, and was on 
the point of withdrawing his consent. Bernadotte prevailed upon 
him to release a number of "French" women from Ravensbrueck, 
and further to promise that the Red Cross bus convoy be allowed 
to take not a thousand women, but as many as it could carry. 

Himmler was loath to concede even one Jew more than was 
necessary at a time when the Nazi edifice, built on the skulls of 


so many peoples, was falling apart in chaos and confusion. Hitler 
committed suicide on April 30; Himmler, who had snuffed out 
the lives of 6,000,000 Jews, clung to his own for another three 
weeks. While the Nazi G&tiw&imwcrmg was being enacted 
against the backdrop of Allied siege guns, 3,500 Jewish women 
were transported from Ravensbrueck to Sweden. In addition, 
60,000 Jewish prisoners who would have been destroyed by 
Hitler's order before he died were saved from annihilation. 

Jews throughout the world have praised both Bernadotte and 
Kersten. Bernadotte was hailed as a savior of the Jews and 
presented with a scroll by the Chief Rabbi of Stockholm. 
Kersten's deeds were no less celebrated. The World Jewish 
Congress paid tribute to Himmler's doctor in many official state- 
ments, and Christians have been no less generous in their praise 
of him. He was decorated by the Dutch, and nominated by them 
in 1952 as their candidate for the Nobel Peace Prize. The Fin- 
nish government awarded him the Cross of the Count of the 
White Rose, and he was also appointed Finnish Medical Coun- 

As in the case of Bernadotte, whose decisive role in rescuing 
the Jews is disputed by the distinguished English historian, H. R. 
Trevor-Roper, Kersten has been challenged by various sources, 
among them a Swedish "White Paper" which states that while he 
was helpful in rescuing Jews and others, the role he arrogates 
to himself is out of all proportion to the deeds he performed. 

We shall not try to evaluate the deeds performed by either 
Bernadotte or Kersten. We are willing to call them heroes if they 
saved even one human life. 

For over a decade, in our time, in full view of aE our senses, 
a great evil manifested itself in the guise of a dictator. Deranged, 
sadistic, he gained power, and during his regime perverted the 
very nature and essence of man. ^ 

All men were his victims: the innocent, those who helped 
him, those who opposed him, those who closed their eyes and 
minds and hearts. All men were his victims, and yet in the end 
he was destroyed. And he was destroyed by bombs; destroyed 
by artillery. But the greater truth is that he was doomed to 
destruction as long as there was one man who persisted in his 
God-given right to say nay when the bayonet in his back 
prodded him to say aye. He was doomed to destruction as long 
as there was one Christian who unflinchingly obeyed the funda- 
mental precept of his religion and helped a fellow man. One 
word epitomizes the evil that engulfed us Hitler; one word 
evokes the redemption allowed to man love. 

The records, incomplete as they are, reveal the deeds of men 
and women who said nay heroically. Why were these people 
heroes? Were they simply brave? Brave men could be found in 
the ranks of the oppressors. Were they profound believers in 
truth and justice, which they converted to action? Were they 
idealists, basically religious people, humanitarians? They were 
all of these and more. Our surviving civilization owes these 
people the grateful recognition they so richly deserve. 


Ten years of research on the Jewish catastrophe under the Nazi regime 
have accumulated immense material in the hands of this writer. One of 
the most fascinating aspects of this material is the documentation of 
relations between Jews and non-Jews in the Nazi-occupied or dominated 
countries. Especially noteworthy were the behavior and actions of those 
courageous men and women who dared defy the Nazi terror and who, 
in spite of all the dangers involved, managed to preserve their human 
stature and their human feelings toward their persecuted fellow men. 
A great wealth of facts and episodes of this kind has been recorded in 
innumerable books, articles and documents. As a matter of fact, this 
writer is engaged at the present time in preparing a bibliography of the 
European-Jewish catastrophe under the Nazis and was able to assemble 
to date about 60,000 pertinent bibliographical entries. The author could, 
therefore, draw upon this remarkably large amount of bibliographical 
information in order to select the material necessary for this book. Of 
course, only an infinitesimal portion, only the most relevant, is quoted in 
the following notes and references. 

Besides the published material, the author also has had the chance to 
utilize sonie unpublished sources from the archives of the following in- 
stitutions to which he is indebted: YIVO Institute for Jewish Research 
in New York, the Centre de Documentation Juive Contemporaine in 
Paris, the Central Jewish Historical Commission in Poland (now the 
Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw). Another source of important in- 
formation was provided by interviews and exchanges of letters with 
persons who willingly volunteered to supply the author with their per- 
sonal materials, recollections, documents, letters, pictures, new biblio- 
graphic clues, etc. Such interviews and correspondence extended over 
the course of several years to numerous towns in many countries, in- 
cluding Poland, France, Ge*iny, Belgium, the Netherlands, Great 
Britain, Israel and the U.S.A. For those materials I am particularly in- 
debted to the following persons: Dina Abramovich, New York; Mrs. 
Pauline Albala, Montreal, Canada; Dr. and Mrs. Aage Bertelsen, Den- 
mark; Mrs. Nusia Dlugi, New York; Dr. A. G. Duker, Chicago; Dr. 
John Fried, New York; Mrs. Sophie Fryde, New York; Dr. Samuel 
Gringauz, New York; N. Kantorovich, New York; Dr. David Kaliane, 
Israel; Mary Klachko, New York; Dr. and Mrs. John Lanzkron, Mid- 
dletown, New York; David Lehrer, New York; Dr. Kurt Levin, New 
York; Erick Liith, Hamburg, Germany; Robert Major, New York; Dr. 



Maurice Moch, Paris; Theodor T. Pianoff, Paris; Sophia Pilenko, Paris; 
Willy Prins, Brussels; Joseph Schwarz, Brooklyn, N. Y.; Pinkhas 
Schwartz, New York; I. Shmulevich, New York; R. Scola, Boston, Mass.; 
Dr. Vincent Shandor, New York; D. E. Skobtzoff, Paris; Anna Simaite, 
Petakh Tikva, Israel; Inge Scholl, Ulm, Germany; Father Eron Marko, 
Woodstock, N. Y.; Waclaw Smolski, Warsaw; Dr. Michael Temchyn, 
Florida, N. Y.; Col. Adolfo Massimo Vitale, Rome; Dr. Leo Wels, New 

In the bibliographical references several publications frequently quoted 
have been replaced by symbols (see list of abbreviations). The other titles 
are quoted in full only once, and thereafter referred to as op. cit. (opere 
citato). Where more than -one publication by the same author is 
quoted, instead of op. cit., an abbreviated title is used for identification of 
the particular book. Titles of articles have been omitted since the 
author's name and the name of the periodical (with the date of publica- 
tion) are sufficient for identification of the article. 

Diacritical signs and accents in foreign language texts and names have 
been omitted in the text except for the few which are essential to the 
understanding or the identification of a name. 


AOJ Activites d* organizations juives en France, Paris, 1947 

AW Akcje i Wysiedlenia (Actions and Deportations, Pol.), ed. 

by Jozef Kermisz, Warsaw-Lodz, 1946 

BB Jeno (Eugene) Levai, Black Book on the Martyrdom of 

Hungarian ]e r wry, Zurich, 1948 

BFG Bleter far geshikhte (Quarterly of Jewish Historical In- 
stitute in Poland, Yid.), Warsaw, 1948 

CJR Contemporary Jewish Record, N. Y., 19391945 

FLH Fun letstn Hurbn (English subtitle: From the Last Exter- 

mination, Yid.), Munich, 1946-1948 

1MT International Military Trial of the Major War Criminals, 

Nuremberg, 1947, 42 vols. 

JE Les Juifs en Europe (19391945)* Paris, Editions du Cen- 

tre, 1949 

JSS Jewish Social Studies, N. Y., 1939 

MF Philip Friedman (ed.), Martyrs and Fighters, N. Y., 1954 

MJ Le Monde Juif, Revue Mensuelle du Centre de Documen- 
tation Juive Contemporaine, Paris, 1946 

MZ Morgn-Zhurnal (Yid.), N. Y., 1939 

PSJ Leon Poliakov and Jacques Sabille, Jews under Italian 

Occupation, Paris, 1955 

Rundbrief Rundbrief zur Foerderung der Freundschaft zwischen dem 
alten und dem neuen Gottesvolk im Geiste der beiden 
Testament e. Freiburg in Breisgau, 1949 


WLB Wiener Library Bulletin, London, 1946 - 
YA Y1VO Annual of Jewish Social Science, N. Y., 1946 - 

YBLG Yediyot bet lohamey ha'getaot (Bulletin of the Ghetto 
Fighters Home, Heb.), Historical Institute, Haifa, 


PAGES 15-17 

There are a considerable number of documents on various, sometimes 
very ingenious, hiding techniques used during the Nazi period (hide- 
outs were usually known as "bunkers"). Of these, only a few of the most 
relevant are mentioned; a detailed description of three large bunkers in 
Rohatyn, Galicia, is included in the June 30, 1943, report of the German 
Police Chief in Galicia, SS General Fritz Katzmann (Document L 18 in 
IMT, vol. 37). A description of bunkers in Boryslaw, Galicia, and 
Stolpce, Belorussia, as well as a plan of a bunker were published in 
Betti Ajzensztajn, Ruch podziemny tv ghettach i obozach (The Under- 
ground Movement in the Ghettos and Camps, Pol.), Warsaw-Lodz, 

The builders of the bunkers used various devices to camouflage them. 
Sometimes the entrance was hidden in a kitchen stove, a toilet (out- 
house), a well, etc., e.g., see the photo of a bunker entrance camouflaged 
in a well, in B. Mark, Der oyfshtand in Bialystoker gheto (The Uprising 
in the Ghetto of Bialystok, Yid.), Warsaw, 1950. Bunkers in the sewers 
were sometimes inhabited by whole families; they were described in 
Dzieci oskarzaja (Children Accuse, Pol.), Cracow-Lodz, 1947; Tovie 
Borzykowski, Tsvishn falndike vent (Among Falling Walls, Yid.), War- 
saw, 1949. The life of a whole "underground city" was depicted in 
Abraham Sutzkever's poem Di geheimshtot (The Secret City, Yid.), 
Tel Aviv, 1948. Another "underground ghetto" was recorded in Sefer 
Baranovich (Yid. & Heb.), Tel Aviv, 1953. Bunkers were built even in 
cemeteries, beneath the tombs; Jacob Pat, Ashes and Fire, N. Y., 1947; 
in camouflaged double walls, Leib Rochman, Un in dayn blut zolstu lebn 
(And in Thy Blood Thou Shalt Live, Yid.), Paris, 1949, and the 
article of Pinkhas Schwartz in Der Veker (Yid.), New York, May i, 
1946. A hiding place in a camouflaged annex to an office building in 
Amsterdam is described in Anne Frank, Diary of a Young Girl, New 
York, 1952. About children hidden in dust bins and baking stoves see the 
article of I. M. Kersht in Forward (Yid.), Nov. 24, 1945. A Jew who 
used a cave in the mountains as a hiding place was called "Robinson 
Crusoe" by the peasants in the neighborhood, Pinkas Kremenetz (Heb.), 
Tel Aviv, 1954. A great wealth of information about various types of 
bunkers and the life therein is to be found in the following books: 
M. J. Fajgenbaum, Podlasie in umkum (The Destruction of Podlasie, 
Yid.), Munich, 1948 (in Yiddish the bunker dwellers were called 


tsadikim, i.e., saints); Aaron Peretz, Dem goyrl antkegn (Facing Fate, 
Yid.), Haifa, 1952; Gershon Taffet, Zaglada Zydow zolkiewskich 
(Extermination of the Jews of Zolkiew, Ptf/.), Lodz, 1947; Abraham 
Weissbrod, Es shtarbt a shtetl (A Town Dies, Skalat Destroyed, Yid.), 
Munich, 1948; Pawel Wiederman, Plowa, Eestia (The Blond Beast, P0/.), 
Munich, 1948; Benjamin Orenstein, Hurbn Chenstochov (The Destruc- 
tion of Czestochowa, FzW.), n -P- I 94 8 i Mark Dworzecki, Yerusholaim 
d'Lite in kanzf un wnkum (The Fight and the Destruction of the Lith- 
uanian Jerusalem, FzW.), Paris, 1948; Yizkor bukh fun der Zelekhover 
yidisher kehile (Memorial Volume of the Zelechow Jewish Community, 
Yid.), Chicago, 1953; Sefer Skernievits (Yid.), Tel Aviv, 1955; Hurbn 
un gvure fun shtetl Markuszow (Destruction and Heroism of the Town 
of Markuszow, Yid.), Tel Aviv, 1955; Jonas Turkow, Azoy iz es geven 
(The Way It Was, Yid.), Buenos Aires, 1948; the same, In kamf farn 
lebn (Fighting for Survival, Yid.), Buenos Aires, 1949; Dzieci oskarzaja. 

PAGE 16 

Gusia Obler's story is based upon her own account to this writer 
immediately after her liberation. 

Meir Stein's story inspired a Jewish poet in Brazil, Moshe Shldiar, to 
write a Yiddish poem "The Eagle" published in Der Poylisher Yid, 
No. 4, Rio de Janeiro, Feb. 1953. 

The story of Dr. Lachowicz was told by Jacob Kenner, in Bafrayung 
(Yid.)y Munich, May 7, 1948. 

PAGE 17 

The rewards for denouncing a Jew were subject to variations, at differ- 
ent places and times. Thus, e.g., the original price in the Netherlands 
was 50 to 75 florin but later, in some places, dropped to only 7% gulden 
(about 2 U.S. dollars); in France, 100 to 500 francs; in the Gouvernment 
General of Poland, a bottle of vodka, five pounds of sugar and two 
cartons of cigarettes; in Vilna and its environs about 120 pounds of 
sugar; in Eastern Galicia a quart of brandy, two pounds of sugar and 
300 zloty, and so on. WLB, X, 3-4 (1956); Sz. Kaczerginski, Hurbn 
Vilna (The Destruction of Vilna, Yid.) 9 N. Y., 1947; A. Weissbrod, 
op. cit.; Le droit d la patrie, ed. by Miriam Bath-Ami [Novich], Paris, 

PAGES 17-18 

The Tarnopol story was told by survivors to Jacob Kenner and pub- 
lished by Mm in MZ 3 May 13, 1948. 

PAGES 18-19 

The story of the cattle dealer Jozefek in the suburb Klepariv of Lwow 
was widely discussed in Lwow at the time of his execution. This writer, 
who incidentally was in Lwow at that time, was also able to talk to 
several survivors who, during the Nazi occupation, were temporarily 
sheltered or supported by Jozefek. The death penalty for hiding or 
helping a Jew took effect in 1942. The new law was announced to local 
Nazi authorities simply by interoffice communications such as the cir- 


cular letter of Sept. 21, 1942 sent out by Dr. Boettcher, governor of the 
district of Radom. The photostat copy of the circular is in L. Brenner's 
Vidershtand un umkum in Chenstokhover Ghetto (Resistance and Ex- 
termination in the Ghetto of Czestochowa, Yid.), Warsaw, n.d. People 
found guilty of sheltering or helping a Jew were usually executed on 
the spot without a trial, beaten to death in jail, or hanged publicly. For 
the many cases of such executions a few examples may be quoted: 
Skiernie<wice* 7 Markuszow, Yizkor bukh Chehn (ed. by M. Bakaichuk- 
Fellin, Yid.), Johannesburg, S.A., 1954 (a Christian baker executed for 
bringing food to some hiding Jews); Elimelekh Feinzilber, Oyf di 
hurves -fun mayn haym (On the Ruins of My Home, Yid.), Tel Aviv, 
1952; Renia Kukielko, Escape from the Pit, N. Y., 1947 (a Polish woman, 
25 years old, mother of two small children, hanged for sheltering a Jew, 
her former employer); Zelech6u>; M. Dworzecki, Yermholaim-, 
Aynikeytj June i, 1944 (twelve Greeks hanged in Athens). 

Sometimes whole families were ruthlessly exterminated for sheltering 
Jews: see Ludwik Hirszfeld, Historia jednego zycia (The History of a 
Life, Pol.) Warsaw, 1946; Feinzilber, op. cit. (a Polish peasant who per- 
mitted two Jewish workers in the village to sleep in his home was hanged 
and his wife sent to a concentration camp). A Polish underground 
report sent to New York in July, 1944 by the HICEM office (a Jewish 
emigration organization) in Lisbon quotes many instances where people 
were executed for sheltering a Jew or even for selling bread to a Jew 
(a baker, his wife and son shot). The document is available in YIVO 
archives in New York (the HIAS-HICEM Collection, XII, Poland, 10). 
Another collection of interviews made with several survivors by Mr. 
Joseph Schwarz of New York lists a number of Ukrainians who risked 
their lives for saving Jews (MSS. in the YIVO archives and in my 
private archive). 

Sometimes the Germans happened to forego the death penalty for 
another form of punishment. Thus, Antoni Jakubowski in Bialystok was 
"proselytized"; the Germans gave him a Jewish passport with the name 
Abraham Lewm, a Jewish armband with the Star of David and sent him 
to the ghetto (B. Mark, Bialystok). In spite of the heavy penalties the 
helpers did not stop their rescue work. According to a secret report 
of the German Chief of the Police in the Gouvernment General to the 
Reich Chief Security office, Dept. VII, Berlin, dated Cracow, October 
7, 1943 the number of cases against those guilty of helping Jews in 
Special Courts (Sondergerichte) of the District of Galicia was ever in- 
creasing. The report advocates the death penalty as the only kind of 
punishment and recommends that all these cases; should be immediately 
handled by the police, without the necessary delay of court hearings. The 
original document is in the archives of the Instytut Zachodni (Research 
Institute for the Western Area) in Poznan; an authorized copy is in my 


The moving letter of Francisca Rubinlicht, an artist, painter and decora- 
tor of the Warsaw theatres, addressed to her relatives in the U.S., Israel 
and Canada, was published in. AW. Francisca Rubinlicht did not survive 
the Nazi holocaust. 

PAGE 19 

The Kowalski story has been recorded by the Israeli correspondent 
Simon Samet, who visited Poland in 1946, in Wvoi Pmohorat (When I 
Came the Following Day, Heb.)^ Tel Aviv, 1946. 

Karol KicMski's story has been recorded in Feinzilber's Siedlce. The 
Bialystok story was reported in the meeting of the Jewish Regional 
Committee in Bialystok and taken down by J. Pat, an American- Jewish 
writer who attended the meeting, J. Pat, Ashes . . . Other records about 
Poles who were threatened with severe penalties or were killed by anti- 
Semitic underground groups for helping Jews: Zelech6iv y Israelitisches 
Wochenblatt, No. 59, Zurich, June 9, 1950; Tog, Feb. i, 1945; Dzieci 


The Heart of Woman 

PAGE 2 1 

The late archivist of the Warsaw ghetto, the historian Emanuel Ringel- 
blum, devoted in his diaries an inspired eulogy to the Jewish women in 
the ghettos, their courage, endurance and self sacrifice. The diaries were 
published in the Yiddish original, Notitsn -fun Varshever Ghetto (Notes 
from the Warsaw Ghetto), Warsaw, 1952. For English translation 
see MF. 

PAGES 21-25 

About Anna Simaite much had been published in the Jewish press and 
in memoirs of Jewish survivors, as in M. Dworzecki, op. cit.; I. Shmule- 
vich, in Forward, June 2, 1953 and August 14, 1955; Hirsh Abraniovich, 
in Litvisher Yid (Yid.), Nos. 7-8, Apr. May 1946; Itzhak Rimon in 
Kanader Odler (Yid.), Montreal, March 30, 1953. These materials were 
supplemented by an exchange of letters with Mrs. Anna Simaite and 
by interviews with a survivor of the Vilna ghetto, Dina Abramovich, 
now librarian at the YIVO Institute in New York. From Simaite's articles 
about the Nazi period these are particularly relevant: her letter to the 
editors of Litvisher Yid in Nos. 6-7, Apr.-May 1946, discussing the 
altitude of the Catholic clergy in Lithuania toward the Jews, and the 
article, "Lithuanians and Jews during the Nazi occupation" in the vol- 
ume Lite (Yid.), N. Y., 1951, vol. I. 

PAGES 26-2 7 

The information on Mother Superior is based on Abraham Sutzkever, 
Vilner Ghetto, 1941-1944 (Yid.), Paris, 1946; Cf. also Joseph Tenen- 
baum, Underground, N. Y., 1952. 

On the activities of Janina Bukolska, see the memoirs of Rachel Auer- 
Wh. Be'hutsot Varsha (In the Streets of Warsaw, Heb.), Tel Aviv, 


1954, and Bathia Temkin-Berman, Yoman bcfmahteret (An Underground 
Diary, Hd?.), Tel Aviv, 1956. This writer met Mrs. Bukolska after 
liberation in Lodz where she worked for the Central Jewish Historical 
Commission in Poland, and thus was able to supplement the published 
information by personal observation and interviews. See also the two 
articles on Bukolska by Rachel Auerbach in Nowe Widnokregi (PoL) 9 
No. 13 (1945) and in Arbeter-Vort (Yid.), Paris, Sept. 29, 1945. 

PAGES 29-30 

About Duniec and Adamowicz see A. Sutzkever, op. clt.\ M. Dworzecki, 
op. cit., also Melekh Neustadt (ed.)*, Hurbn un oyfshtand fun di Yidn 
in Varshe (The Destruction and the Uprising of the Jews in Warsaw, 
Yid.) 9 Tel Aviv, 1948, vol. i. 

About D^bicka, Laterner, Plawczynska, see J. Pat in Forward, May 20, 

About Stephania Sempolowska and other members of the socialist under- 
ground who helped Jews see the notes to Chapter 8. 

PAGES 30-31 

There is a great deal of material published on Mother Maria, Mai 
Maria, Stikhotvorenia, poemy, vospominanya (Mother Maria, verses, 
poems, memoirs, Russ.), Paris, 1947; Tatiana Manukhina, in Novy 
Zhurnal (Russ.), N. Y., vol. 41 (June, 1955). Mother Maria's poein on 
the Jewish Star was published in her collection of poems. Documentary 
material on Mother Maria and her group is also available in the Archive 
of Russian and East European History and Culture in Columbia Univer- 
sity (Butler Library) in N. Y. Of the many articles published in Jewish 
periodicals these should be mentioned: Marc Vishniak in Yidisher Kern- 
fer (Yid.), N. Y., Oct. 12, 1945; I. Shmulevich, in Forward, Apr. 17, 1948; 
J. Tulin, in Forward, Sept. 19, 1945. Mother Maria's arrest and death 
in the concentration camp were also described by Simone Saint-Clair, 
Ravensbriick: UEnfer de femmes, Paris, 1945. The story about Mother 
Maria's self-sacrifice was told by Israel Efroykin, Kedushe un gvure bay 
yidn amol un haynt (Holiness and Bravery in Jewish Life in the Past 
and in the Present, Yid.), N. Y., 1949. 

However, the most important and valuable sources were placed at my 
disposal by the closest friends and relatives of Mother Maria: by her 
mother, 95-year-old Sophia Borysovna Pilenko, by one of Maria's 
closest collaborators in her Paris rescue work, Theodor Timofeyevich 
Pianoff; by Maria's divorced husband, the writer D, Skobtzoff; and, last 
but not least, by Anna Simaite. 

Particularly great was the part played by women in saving Jewish 
children. The plight of the orphaned or abandoned Jewish child, help- 
less and often unaware of the terrible danger ahead, brought a special 
response from women. There are innumerable accounts of this rescue 
work from almost every European country. 


There Is the story of the young sister Josephine of the Convent of 
Notre Dame de Sion in Grenoble who helped to smuggle many Jewish 
children and women to Switzerland. See Simon Gurvich, in Dos Von 
(Yid.), Paris, Jan. 24, 1945. 

A moving story is that of 2 3 -year-old Marianne Colin, who was arrested 
by the Nazis while escorting a group of Jewish children from France 
to Switzerland. She was offered her freedom for the price of abandoning 
the children to their own fate, but she refused to leave them and was 
executed by a German firing squad on July 8, 1944, only a few weeks 
before the liberation. Helmut Gollwhzer and others, (eds.), Du hast 
mich heimgesucht bei Nacht (Ger.), Munich, 1954. 

Many Jewish children were saved by their former teachers, housemaids, 
servants, nurses. Several instances are recorded by M. Dworzecki, op. cit., 
and Berl Kahan, A Yid in vald (A Jew in the Woods, Yid.), N. Y., 1955. 
An extraordinary act of courage was reported from the small town of 
Mordy, near Siedlce in Poland. There, during a deportation action, a 
Polish lady, Elizabeth Przewlocka, grabbed a Jewish child from the 
death transport, right under the nose of the Nazi convoy guards and 
succeeded in hiding him. Of course it was too dangerous for her to keep 
the child, who was consequently removed to Warsaw and placed in a 
Polish orphanage. Maria Czapska, in Tygodnik Polski (Pol.), Apr. 27, 
1947. In Warsaw, a group of Polish women, members of the under- 
ground headed by the "wonderful Irena Sandier," saved a number of 
Jewish children, risking their own lives. J. Turkow, Azoy . . , 


Battle of the Badge 

PAGE 3 3 

For a more detailed and documented account of the problems discussed 
in this chapter and for a fuller bibliography see Philip Friedman; "The 
Jewish Badge and the Yellow Star in the Nazi Era," Historia Judaica, 
vol. XVII, No. i, (1955); Bruno Blau, "Der Judenstern der Nazis" 
(Ger.), Judaica, vol. IX, No. i, Zurich, 1953; "The Yellow Star. A Shib- 
boleth in Nazi Europe," WLB, vol. VIII, Nos. 5-6, (1954). 

The strange story of Ozork6w was recorded by a survivor, Shlomo 
Lipman, in Eleter -fun payn un umkum (Pages of Agony and Extermina- 
tion, Yid,), Melbourne, 1949. 

PAGES 34-35 

The diary of the Jewish teacher Mr. Wortman of Berlin was published 
in the Ph.D. thesis of Hans Lamrn, Ueber die innere und aeussere 
Entwicklung des deutschen Judentums im Dritten Reich (Ger.) 9 Uni- 
versity of Erlangen, 1951; Siegrnund Weltlinger published his reminis- 
cences of the Nazi period in a small pamphlet, Hast Du es schon ver- 
(Ger.)* Frankfurt a/M, 1954, The selected letters of Major- 


General Helmuth Stieif, later executed by the Nazis, were published in 
Yierteljahreshefte fuer Zeitgeschichte (Ger.), vol. II, No. 3, 1954. 
Ringelblum's anecdotal story is recorded in his Notitsn. 

PAGE 35 
Joseph Radermacher, Ketzergedanken im Dritten Reich (Ger.), Krefeld, 

I946 ' PAGES 35-36 

Else R. Behrend-Rosenthal, Ich stand nicht allein: Erlebnlsse einer 

Juedin in Deutschland 1943-1944 (Ger.), Hamburg, 1945. 

PAGE 36 
The Goebbels Diaries 19421943, ed. by Louis Lochner, N. Y., 1948. 

The full text of Ripka's BBC broadcast was published in The Govern- 
ments in Exile and Their Attitude toward the Jews, ed. by Z. H. 

Wachsman, N. Y., 1944. _ 

7 T PAGE 37 

The Hebrew paper of the Jewish underground in Lodz was produced 
in full in Da-pirn (historical journal in Hebrew devoted to the research 
of the Jewish catastrophe and resistance during the Nazi regime), No. i, 
Haifa, 1950. 

E. Ringelblurn, op. cits, Bernard Goldstein, The Stars Bear Witness, 
N. Y., 1949 and Wladyslaw Szpilman, Smier6 miasta (The Death of the 
City, P0/.)i Warsaw, 1946. 

PAGES 37-38 

About the travel restrictions against Jews and Negroes see Leon Polia- 
kov, Ufitoile jaune (French), Paris, 1949; Gerhard Reitlinger, The Final 

Solution. N. Y., 1953. ^ 

7 /JJ PAGE 39 

One of the French girls deported to carnp Drancy for demonstrating 
against the Jewish badge, Alice Couroble, later published a book about 
this experience under the tide: Amie des Juifs, Paris, 1945. 

PAGES 39-40 

The strong reaction of the French population against the Jewish badge 
is described by several Jewish writers in the Yizkorbukh tsum andenk 
fun 14 umgekumene Parizer yidishe shrayber (Memorial Volume to 
Commemorate Fourteen Murdered Jewish Writers of Paris, Yid.), Paris, 
1946; L. Poliakov, Stoile . . John M. Oesterreicher, Racisme-Antisemi- 
tisme- Antic hristianisme, N. Y., 1943. 

The story of Monsignor Chaptal was recorded in John M. Oesterreicher, 
op, cit.\ WIB, vol. VIII, Nos. 5-6, and Hugh Martin and others, Chris- 
tian Counter -Attack, N, Y., 1944. 

PAGE 40 

Concerning Belgian reaction to the Jewish badge see Joseph L. Baron, 
Stars and Sand, Philadelphia, 1943; Hitler's Ten-Year War on the Jews, 

N. Y., 1943. -> 

7T<? PAGES 40-4 1 

About the attitude of King Christian X see Poliakov, fttoile . . . ; Aage 
Bertelsen, Oct. '4$, N. Y., 1954. 


PAGE 41 

About Archbishop Stepinac's statement see Helen Walker Homan, 
Letters to the Martyrs, N. Y., 1951. 

PAGES 4 1 -42 

About Bulgaria: Poliakov, Btoile . . . ; G. Reidinger, op. cit.; Peter Meyer, 
"Bulgaria" in The Jews in the Soviet Satellites , Syracuse, 1953; Jacques 
Sabille, in MJ, No. 30 (1950) (documents). 

About Romania: Matatias Carp (ed.), Tranmistria (Yid.), Buenos Aires, 
1950; Joseph Schechtman, The Jews in Romania During World War 11 
(typescript in the archives of YIVO, N. Y.). 



PAGE 42 

For the attitude of the French population see: Leon Poliakov, Harvest 
of Hate, Syracuse, 1951; the same in JSS, vol. XV, No. 2, (1953); G. 
Reidinger, op. cit.; E. H. Zerner, in Public Opinion Quarterly ', vol. XII 
(1948-1949), La Persecution raciale en France, Paris, 1947; George 
Wellers, in MJ, No. 16, (1946); AOJ-, Victor M. Bienstock, in Menorah 
Journal, vol. XXXIII, No. i, (1945). An interesting personal narrative 
of a French-Catholic doctor who volunteered for medical service in 
concentration camps in order to help the Jewish victims was published 
by Charles Odic (pseud.), Stepchildren of France, N. Y., 1945; a per- 
sonal narrative of a French woman imprisoned by the Nazis for helping 
Jews was published by Madeleine du Fresne, De Penfer des hommes a la 
cite de Dieu, Paris, 1947. p AGE4 6 

The incident in Lyons is recorded in Michal Borwicz, Arishe papirn 
(Aryan Documents, Yid.), Buenos Aires, 1955, vol. III. 

PAGES 46-47 

The sympathetic attitude of the French police and administration 
towards the Jews was recorded in many of the above mentioned sources. 
See also J. M. Oesterreicher, op. cit. About the statement of Andre* 
Chaigneau, prefect of Nice, see: Leon Poliakov and Jacques Sabille, Jews 
under the Italian Occupation, Paris, 1955; Zanvel Diamant, in YA, vol. 

VIII, 1953. 

y ^ PAGE 47 

Lon Poliakov's quotation is from his book Harvest . . . 

The French philosopher and ambassador to the U.S., Jacques Maritam, 
strongly condemned anti-Semitism and racialism in his public addresses, 
articles and books, such as Anti-Semitism, London, 1939; A Christian 
Looks at the Jewish Problem, N. Y., 1941; "On Anti-Semitism," in Com- 
monweal, vol XXXVI, 1942; Paul Claudel, the French poet and play- 
wright, former ambassador to the U.S. (1927-1933), published his 
Catholic Essays against Anti-Semitism at the beginning or the German 


occupation of France but the book was soon suppressed by the Nazis. 
See Kopel S. Pinson, in JSS, vol. VII, No. 2, (1945). See also P. Claudel's 
Une Voix sur Israel, Paris, 1950. The Catholic writer Frangois Mauriac 
expressed his indignation against anti-Semitism and against indifference 
to Jewish sufferings on many occasions. See his preface to Leon Polia- 
kov's, Breviaire de la haine, Paris, 1951, and his passionate attacks against 
anti-Semites in his address at the Congress of the International League 
against Racialism and Anti-Semitism in Paris (Jewish Chronicle, Lon- 
don, Dec. 10, 1954). The poet Paul Elouard is particularly to be remem- 
bered for his moving poem "On the Ruins of the Warsaw Ghetto," in 
his Po ernes politiques, Paris, 1949. Some of Louis Aragon's powerful 
short stories, Servitude et grandeur de France, Paris, 1945, deal with the 
Jewish tragedy in France. Vercors gave a strong expression to his 
sympathy for persecuted Jews in his Lettres aux Americains, Paris, 1946; 
Romain Rolland's friendship with a Jewish underground fighter during 
the Nazi occupation was described in Lettres de 'Romain Rolland a un 
combatant de la resistance, Paris, 1947; Jean-Paul Sartre's most poignant 
work on the Jewish question was his Reflexions sur la question juive, 
Paris, 1946; David Rousset's bulky diary concerning his experience in 
the Nazi concentration camp, Les Jours de notre mort, Paris, 1947, 
devotes much attention to the sufferings of his Jewish fellow-prisoners 

and their narratives, ^ 

PAGES 48-49 

About the Jewish participation in the French resistance movement see: 
AO]\ David Knout, Contribution a Vhlstolre de la resistance juive en 
France, 1940-1944, Paris, 1947; Denise Mitrani, Reseau d'evasion, Paris, 
1946; Jacques Lazarus (Capitaine Jacquel), Juifs au combat, Paris, 1947; 
Leon Poliakov, in YA, vol. VIII. A personal narrative of Leon Blum's 
experience during the years 1940-1945 including his arraignment before 
a Vichy Tribunal at Riom and his deportation to German concentration 
camps, is to be found in L*oeuvre de Leon Blum: Memoires: La prison 
et le proems. A r&chelle humaine, 1940-194$, Paris, 1955; Daniel Mayer 
published his memoirs from the period of his resistance activities in the 
French-Jewish magazine Evidences, Paris, Nos. 6, 9, 10, 12, 13 (1949 
1950); Pierre Mendes-France published a book about his experiences 
during the Nazi period under the title, The Pursuit of Freedom, London, 
1956; the story of the duke "Levy" has been recorded by L. Poliakov, 
in YA, vol. VIII. 

The appeal published in the French underground paper Le Combat was 
published in English translation in C/JR, Oct. 1943. 

About the attitude of the French church, Catholic and Protestant, see: 
Dante Lattes, in JE; about Cardinal Jules Saliege see, in particular: 
Lattes, op. cit.\ J. M. Oesterreicher, op. cit.\ L. Poliakov, in La Terre 
retrouvSe, June 15, 1951. Sali&ge's addresses were published in Un 
ftv^que -frangais sous V occupation: Extraits de messages de S. Ex. Mgr. 
Salidge, ArchevSque de Toulouse, Paris, 1945. 


PAGE 50 

The pastoral letter of Bishop The"as was reproduced in Oesterreicher, 
op. ch. and in English translation by K. Pinson, in JSS, vol. VII, No. 2. 
About Cardinal Gerlier see: Oesterreicher, op. ch.; Martin Hugh, op. 
ch.; D. Lattes, op. ch.; F. Shrager, in Forward, Aug. 4, 1946. 

PAGE 5 1 
The venomous attack by Marcy is reproduced in Oesterreicher, op. ch. 

The attitude of the Protestant church is discussed in Lattes, op. ch. 
The help given to persecuted Jews and to Protestants of Jewish origin 
is described in Henri Cadier, La Calvaire d? Israel, Paris, 1945. 

PAGES 51-52 

French police reports on the activities of the clergy emphasize the great 
impact of the pastoral letters and messages on the French population, 
particularly on the peasants: G. Wellers, in M], No. 16; see also the 
personal narratives of the Jewish writer I. Kornhendler, Briv fun Lee- 
tour e (Letters from Lectoure, Yid.), Paris, 1947, and of the French priest 
Frere Birin, 16 Mois de bagne Buchenwald-Dora, Epernay, 1947, who 
was deported for helping Jews. 

PAGES 52-53 

About Father Chaillet see Oesterreicher, op. ch.; Lattes, op. ch. In the 
monthly of the B'nai B'rith of France, Agir, No. 4 (Nov.-Dec. 1949), 
are interesting new details about Abbe Chaillet's rescue activities. Six 
issues of his Cahiers clandestine* d'temoignage chretien were published 
in Paris, in 1946, in a separate volume. 

PAGE 54 

About Abb6 Glasberg much information besides the above mentioned 
books can be found in the articles of I. Shmulevich, Forward., Feb. 17, 
1948 and of A. S. Lirik, Forward, Feb. 9, 1952. See also Glasberg's 
articles about the displaced persons in Chemins de monde: Fersonnes 

deplacees, Paris, 1948. ^ 

PAGES 53-54 

About Father Devaux see in Agir, No. 4; Oesterreicher, op. ch.; I. Lich- 
tenstein, in Arbeter Vort (Yid.), Paris, Nov. 24, 1945. For more informa- 
tion about Fathers Chaillet and Devaux, I am indebted to Dr. Maurice 
Moch, secretary of the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith in Paris. 

PAGES 54-55 

About Pastor Vergara, see the above mentioned books and articles, 
particularly Agir. __. 

PAGES 55-59 

A great many official German reports about Father Marie B6noit, Gen. 
Lospinoso and Angelo Donati are assembled in JPS/; much important 
information is to be found in J. Rorty's article in Commentary, N. Y., 
Dec. 1946; see also D. Knout, op. ch.; J. Tenenbaum, Race and Reich, 

N. Y., 1955; I. Wilncr, in Forward, Oct. 8, 1944, and La tragedia degli 
Ebrei sotto il terrore udesco, Rome, 1945; also the article by one of 
Father Bnoit's chief assistants, a Jewish lieutenant of the French under- 
ground, Joseph- Andre Bass, in Droit et libenS, Paris f Sept. 15, 1949. 



The Low Countries 

PAGE 60 

About the general attitude of the Dutch population, see Jacques Sabille, 
in MJ, No. 29, 1950; Dagboek -fragmenten i$40-2$4$, s'Gravenhage, 
1954; L. Poliakov, Breviaire , . . ; G. Reitiinger, op. ch.\ Sam de Wolff, 
Geschiedenis der Joden in Nederland, Amsterdam, 1946; J. Tenenbaum, 
op. clt.\ R. Mahler, in Yidishe Kultur, N. Y., Apr. 1949; S. Niger, in 
Tog-MZ, N. Y., May 17, 1953; "Ein Denkmal in Holland" in Allge- 
meine Wochenzeitung der Juden in Deutschland, Oct. 3, 1950, and the 
article by the former prime minister of the Netherlands, P. S. Ger- 
brandy, in Aufbau, N. Y., Feb. 13, 1942; B. A. Sijes, De Februari Staking 
2526 Februari 1942, s'Gravenhage, 1954. 

About the protests of the Dutch intelligentsia, particularly the university 
students and professors, the teachers and physicians against the Jewish 
persecutions see in CJR, vol. VI, No. i, Feb. 1943; Sijes, op. cit.; The 
United Nations Review, vol. III, No. 8, Aug. 15, 1943. 

PAGES 60-63 

The February strike has been extensively described in the well docu- 
mented book of B. A. Sijes, op. cit.\ see also F. Grewel, in Nieuvue Stem, 
No. 10, 1955 and "Herdenking von de Staking von 25 Februari 1941" in 
Nieuwe hraelitis ch Weekblad, Amsterdam, March i, 1946. 

PAGE 63 
Anne Frank, op. cit. 

PAGES 63-64 

The Hordijk story was told in many newspaper articles, such as that by 
H. von Disen, in MJ, July 27, 1952. After the Hordijk family arrived 
in the U.S., articles appeared in almost all large newspapers including 
the New York Times. A picture of the Hordijk family was reproduced 
in the Polish paper Nowy Swiat, N, Y., Apr. 18, 1955. Stories of other 
individual efforts to help Jews were recorded in the following books: 
Ernestine Th. von Heemstra, In hun greep, Dagboek . . . (Dutch), Ley- 
den, 1945; Braha Habas, Drakhim Aveloth (The Sad Ways, Heb.), Tel 
Aviv, 1946; Carrie van Boom, A Prisoner and Yet, Toronto, 1947; Hen- 
rietta Haas, Orange on Top, N. Y., 1945; B. de Joode, Aalten in beset- 
tingstijd (Dutch), Aalten, 1946. The story of a Dutch woman, Mrs. 
Weissmueller, who in 1940 helped many Jews to escape from Vilna to 
Palestine was told in Braha Habas (ed.) Sepher Ally at Hanoar (The 
Book of the Youth Immigration, Heb.\ Jerusalem, 1951, and Benzion 
Ben-Shalom, Be'saar be'yom sufa (In the Stormy Days, Heb.), Tel Aviv, 

I944 ' PAGE<5 4 

A complete text of the appeal of the Dutch underground to help Jews 
was reproduced in the Inter- Allied Review, vol. II, No. 12, Dec. 15, 
1942. The story of how the Dutch underground helped the Jews to 


establish and maintain a clandestine synagogue was recorded by J. F. 
Krop, in Nieuwe Israelitisch Weekblad, May 10, 1946. 

PAGES 65-67 

The story of Shushu and Westerville was recorded in Marie Syrian's 
Blessed is the Match, Philadelphia, 1947. In recent years many docu- 
ments about this remarkable episode accumulated in the archives of the 
Historical Institute in the Kibbutz of the Ghetto Fighters in Galilee, 
Israel. Part of this material was published in the Bulletin of the Institute 
YBLG with a picture of Shushu, No. 7, No. 8 ( Westerville's letter from 
concentration camp Vught), Nos. 9-10 and No. 13, 1954-1955. 

PAGE 67 

The Reformed and the Catholic churches vigorously protested against 
the anti-Jewish Nazi policies. Much documentary material about these 
activities is included in H. C. Touw, Het Verzet der Hervormde Kerk 
(Dutch), s'Gravenhage, 1946; W. A. Visser t'Hooft, Hollaendische 
Kirchendokumente, Zurich, 1944; Hendrikus Berkhof, in Bekennende 
Kirche, Munich, 1952; H. J. Boas, Religious Resistance in Holland, Lon- 
don, 1945; Martin Hugh, op. cit.-, Oesterreicher, op. cit.; CJR, Feb. 1943; 
Aufbau, N. Y., Sept. 25, 1942; Mark Dworzecki, in Folk un Land (Yid.), 
N. Y., May 1956. pAGE(58 

Much important first-hand information about the Belgian attitude toward 
Jews during the Nazi occupation was assembled by Mr. Willy E. Prins, 
Antwerpen, and forwarded to me through the courtesy of Dr. Joseph 
Lichten, N. Y., to both of whom the author is indebted for this valuable 
assistance. Also, interviews with Dr. and Mrs. John Lanzkron, formerly 
of Bruxelles, now of Middletown, N. Y., were helpful in checking vari- 
ous data. See also the following books and articles: P. Struye, L 'Evolu- 
tion du sentiment public en Belgique sous ^occupation allemande, 
Bruxelles, 1945; Anna Sommerhausen, Written in Darkness: A Belgian 
Womarfs Record on the Occupation 1940-1945, N. Y., 1946; Alfred 
Errera, La Belgique devant Pallemagne antisemite, Bruxelles, 1934; Mau- 
rice Jamine, Sous le coup de y condamnations d mart et toujours vivant, 
Bruxelles, 1945; H. Singer, Four Years Under German Occupation in 
Belgium, an Eyewitness Report, Montreal, 1945; G. Reitlinger, op. cit.; 
J. Tenenbaum, Race and Reich; E. Weinstock, Beyond the Last Path, 
N. Y., 1947; D. Lehrer, in Tog, July 2, 1933; J. Pat, in Forward, Nov. 13, 
1949; M. Dworzecki, in Undzer Vort (Yid.), Paris, May 17, 1946; the 
bulletin News from Belgium, N. Y. (since 1941); and the article of the 
former prime minister of Belgium, Hubert Pierlot, in the Jewish Bulle~ 
tin, London, Apr. 1942. p AGEs68 _<$ 9 

About Jeanne Damman and Jeanne de Mulienaere see the articles in 
Aufbau, N. Y., May 17, 1946; in Forward, May 27, 1946 and by Jeann<5 

Jaffe in Tog, Feb. 3, 1946. ^ . 

J yT PAGES 69-70 

The appeal of the Belgian Socialist Party was reproduced in Unzer 
Tsayt, Aug. 1943. About the activities of the Belgian underground on 


behalf of the Jews and the attack on the deportation train from Malines 
see in the above mentioned books, in the materials of Willy Prins and 
in Fernand Demany, Mourir debout: Souvenirs du maquis, Bruxelles, 

1046. ^ 

PAGES 70-71 

About Father Andr see: I. Midrash, in Kanader Odler y Apr. 13, 1948; 
Rabbi Harold Saperstein, in Forward, Dec. 29, 1945; Ernst Landau, in 
Juedische Rundschau, Marburg an der Lahn, No. 6, 1946; European 
Jewry after Ten Years, N. Y., 1956. 

PAGE 71 

About Abbe" Louis Celis see Israelitisches Wochenblatt fuer die Schweiz, 
Feb. 24, 1950; July 10 and 17, 1953; also Rundbrief No. 7 and Nos. 21-24, 


About Cardinal van Roey and Queen Elizabeth: Le Cardinal van Roey 

et ^occupation allemande en Belgique, actes et documents publics par 

le chanoine Leclef, Bruxelles, 1945; H. Gaag, Rien ne vaut rhonneur: 

Ufiglise beige de 1940 a 194$, Bruxelles, 1946; European Jewry . . . ; 

G. Reitlinger, op. cits, Oesterreicher, op. cit.-, the Inter-Allied Review, 

vol. II, No. 10, Oct. 1942 and No. 12, Dec. 1942. 

About Father Froidure see: E. Weinstock, op. cit.; New York Times, 

Apr. 3, 1946. Froidure also published a book about his experience as a 

prisoner in the Nazi concentration camps under the tide, Le Calvaire des 

malades au bagne d'Esterwegen, Liege, 1945. 


Italy, the Reluctant Ally 

PAGE 72 

For the attitude of the Italians in general see Poliakov's Harvest. . . ; 
G. Reitlinger, op. cit^ La tragedia degli Ebrei. I am indebted to Col. 
Max Adolfo Vitale, Rome, for his detailed descriptions of the Jewish 
sufferings in Italy under the Fascist and Nazi regimes, as recorded in 
his two manuscripts in my archives (partly published in JE and YIVO 
Meter (Yid.) 9 vol. XXXVII). 

About Mussolini's attitude toward the Jews and the vacillations in his 
policy see: Joshua Starr, in JSS, vol. I, No. i, (1939); Israel Cohen, in 
The Contemporary Review, London, Dec. 1938; Luigi Villari, Italian 
Foreign Policy under Mussolini, N. Y., 1956; Abraham L. Sachar, Suffer- 
ing Is the Badge, N. Y., 1939; Hugo M. Valentin, Anti-Semitism, N. Y., 
1936; Louis L Newman, A Chief Rabbi of Rome Becomes a Catholic ', 
N. Y., 1945; Eugenio Zolli, Before the Dawn, N. Y., 1954; William 
Phillips, Ventures in Diplomacy, Boston, 1952; Bernard D. Weincyb, 
Jewish Emancipation under Attack, N. Y., 1942; CJR, Jan. 1939; [Count 
Galeazzo] Ciano's Hidden Diary 1931-1938, N. Y., 1953; Sozius (pseud., 
Eli Rubin), The Jews in the World, Vienna, 1936; the same, Musso- 
lini, racist e et antisemite, Paris, 1938. 


PAGE 73 

In a savage German retaliation for an act of sabotage of die resistance 
movement, 340 inhabitants of Rome were dragged on March 24 and 25, 
1944 to the Fosse Ardeatine (Ardeatine caves) and executed without 
trial. Among the victims were many Jews. Attilio Ascarelli, Le Fosse 
Ardeatine, Rome, 1945. About Nazi anti-Jewish terror see: The diaries 
of M. de Wyss, Rome under the Terror, London, 1945, and of Jane 
Scrivener, Inside Rome 'with the Germans, N. Y., 1945; Giacomo De- 
benedetti, Otto Ebrei (ItaL), Rome, 1944; Armando Troisio, Roma sotto 
il terrore Nazi-Fascista, Rome, 1944. About the Jews in the Italian 
resistance see: M. A. Vitale, Y1VO Meter (Yid.), vol. XXXVII, 1953; 
Mario Bellini, in Forward, Sept. 24, 1944; Benvenuta Treves, Tre vite 
del ultimo '800 alia meta del '900: Studie memorie de Emilio-Emanuele- 
Ennio Artom (ItaL), Firenze, 1954. 

Signor Mario di Marco, popular among the Jews as the "good Mariesci- 
allo" of Rome, was a police officer who cooperated with Father 
Benedetti (Marie-Benoit) in saving many hundreds of Jewish lives. 
Eventually he was arrested and tortured by the Gestapo but did not 
yield his secrets. In summer 1952 and March 1954 di Marco visited New 
York and was enthusiastically welcomed by Jewish organizations and 
the Jewish press. See: Richard Dyck, in Aufbau, Sept. 5, 1952; "The 
Good Policeman" in Jewish Newsletter, vol. VIII, No. 15, July 1952; 
I. N. Kersht, in Forward, July n, 1952; "An Italian Police Chief," in 
Forward, March 23, 1954; D. Kranz, in Tog-MZ, March 18, 1954. 

Dr. Giovanni Palatucci, police chief of Fiume, who helped many Jews, 
was deported to Dachau and killed. In order to commemorate his noble 
deeds, the community of Ramat-Gan in Israel named a street in his 
honor. His uncle, Bishop Giuseppe Mario Palatucci, was guest of honor 
and speaker at that ceremony. See articles in Aufbau, Aug. 14, 1953; 
WLB, vol. X, Nos. 1-2, 1956, and A. "L. Jamini, in Movimento liber a- 
zione Italia, No. 37, July 1955. 

About Signor Mario di Nardis see the letter of a group of Jewish 
survivors from Italy whom he rescued, in Forward, July 17, 1947* 

On the tenth anniversary of the Liberation, in Apr. 1955, a celebration 
took place in Milan, where 23 Italians were awarded gold medals by 
the Union of the Jewish Communities in Italy for their outstanding 
rescue work during the Nazi terror. See: "La Riconoscenza degli Ebrei 
Italiani . . . ," in Corriere della sera, Milan (ItaL), Apr. 14, 1955; Percy 
Eckstein, in Aufbau, July 8, 1955; "Italian Jews Honor Four Priests," 
Boston, Mass., Pilot, Apr. 23, 1955. Similar ceremonies took place in 
other cities: The Jewish community of Genoa honored 50 Italians, 
Forward, Feb. 25, 1956. The Jews of Florence gratefully remembered 
their Italian saviors, W. W. Bienstock, in Forward, Aug. 16, 1954. A 
Jewish poet, Jacob Stahl, wrote a poem dedicated to the "Italians who 
sacrificed their lives for rescuing Jews," in Vndzers (Yid.), Tel Aviv, 


1949; the Jews in London arranged a hearty reception for a simple man 
of San Remo, the porter Mario Masselino who helped smuggle many 
hundreds of Jews across the Italian-French border. (For the material I 
am indebted to Mr. Pinkhas Schwartz of the YIVO, N. Y., and Mr. M. 
Zylberberg, London.) 

For the help of the Italian clergy see: Oesterreicher, op. cit., L. Newman, 
op. cit.-, Bernard Berenson, 'Rumor and "Reflection 19411944, Lon- 
don-N. Y., 1952; M. Borwicz, op. cit., vol. III. The material about 
Giuseppe Sala was supplied from Italian-Jewish sources through the 
courtesy of the B'nai B'rith in Italy and Dr. Joseph Lichten in New York. 

An Italian-Jewish sculptor, Arrigo Minerbi, saved by the Fathers of 
Divine Providence, created a statue of the Madonna as a symbol of 
brotherhood and charity. See: Don Orione's Messenger., vol. I, No. 3, 
Oct. 1954, Boston, Mass.; The Italian News, Boston, Mass., May 7, 1954. 
For the material I am indebted to Mr. R. Scola, editor of The Italian 

News. _ 

PAGES 74-76 

About the help given to Jews by the Italian army and administration in 
Yugoslavia see: PSJ; J. Sabille, in MJ, Nos. 46-47 and 48, 1951; European 
Jewry after . . . ; J. Tenenbaum, Race and Reich. For the sympathetic 
attitude of the Foreign Office see the official publication, Relazione sull* 
opera svolta del Ministero degli Affari Esteri par la tutela delta com- 
munith ebrfliche (1938-1943), Rome. 

PAGE 76 

The help given to Jews in Greece by the Italian occupation forces has 
been extensively described in In Memoriam, z vols., Salonika, 1948 and 
1949, ed. by Michael Molho; PS/; MJ, No. 49. French and Italian help 
to the Jews of Tunisia was described in J. Sabille, Les Juifs de Tunisie 
sous Vichy et V occupation, Paris, 1954; Robert Bergel, toile jaune et 
croix gawrm&e, Tunis, 1944. -p 

JcAGE 77 

After the Badoglio armistice the Germans occupied the Italian Zone 
in France and started to hunt down the Jews. Many Jews managed to 
find refuge in the neutral principality of Monaco and from there escaped 
to Spain, Switzerland or to the French resistance units (Maquis). 
Probably several thousand were thus saved. See: PS/; Z. Diamant in YA, 
vol. VIII. 

Hungary, the Unwilling Satellite 

PAGE 78 

For the general background see: Jeno (Eugene) Levai, Black Book 
on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry, Zurich, 1948, and his Szurke 
Konyv (Gray Book, Hung.), Budapest, 1946; Bernhard Klein, Hungarian 
Jewry in the Nazi Period (M. A. Thesis, Columbia University, N. Y., 
1955); Eugene Duschinsky, "Hungary," in Jews in Soviet Satellites-, 


John EL Montgomery, Hungary , the Unwilling Ally, N. Y., 1947; Ernest 
(Erno) Munkacsi, Hogyan tortent? (How it Happened, Hung.), Buda- 
pest, 1947; G. Reitlinger, op. cit.; the annotated bibliography of Leslie 
C. Tihany, in the American Slavic and East European Review, N. Y., 
vol. VI, Nos. 16-17, 1947. 

PAGE 80 

The Jewish Rescue Committee of Budapest tried through its chairman 
Dr. R. Kasztner and others to negotiate with Dieter Visliczeny and 
Adolf Eichmann in order to ransom the Jews of Hungary. These negotia- 
tions, filled with dramatic and unexpected turns, led to no tangible 
results and were later bitterly criticized, particularly during the Gruen- 
wald-Kasztner trial in Israel For the pertinent literature see: Rezso 
Kasztner, Der Bericht des juedischen Rettungskomitees aus Budapest, 
i$42->i$4f, Basel, 1946; R. Kasztner's affidavit in IMT, vol. XXXI, Inter- 
rogation of Dieter Visliczeny, IMT, vol. IV; Walter Laqueur, in Der 
Monat, Berlin, vol. VII, No. 84, 1955, and in Commentary, vol. XX, No. 
6, 1955; Emanuel Prat, Hamishpat hagadol: parshat-Kasztner (The Great 
Trial; The Kasztner Case, H<?&.), Tel Aviv, 1955; Shalom Rosenfeld, 
Tik Pelili 124: Mishpat Gruenivald-Kasztner (Criminal File 124: The 
Gruenwald-Kasztner Trial. Heb.), Tel Aviv, 1955; Alex Weissberg, 
Die Geschichte von Joel Brand, Koeln-Berlin, 1956; and a series of 
articles in leading Hebrew periodicals and in the Yiddish press in the 
U.S. and in other countries during the trials (1954-1955 and 1957). 

Premier Nicholas Kallay tried to explain his attitude and that of his 
government colleagues about the Jewish question in his memoirs, Hun- 
garian Premier: A Personal Account of a Nation's Struggle in the 
Second World War, N. Y., 1954. 

A verbatim report on the Hitler-Horthy meetings, IMT, vol. XXXV. 
About the Nazi campaign against Admiral Horthy and his son as 
Jewish friends see: The Goebbels Diaries, and Nicholas Horthy's mem- 
oirs, Ein Leben fuer Ungarn (Ger.), Bonn, 1953. About Admiral Horthy 
see: G. Reitlinger, op. cit.- J. Tenenbaurn, Race and Reich; R. Kasztner, 
op. cit.\ E. Duschinsky, op. cit.; about Horthy's son, see Kasztner, op. cit. 

PAGE 8 1 

For the help of the foreign legations, and the Apostolic Nunciature see 
J. Levai, Feher Konyv (White Book, Hung.), Budapest, 1946; Unity in 
Dispersion: A History of the World Jewish Congress, N. Y., 1948; H. 
Monneray, op. cit.; BB; E. Munk&csi, op. cit.; R. Kasztner, op. cit.; 
M. Syrkin, op. cit. The daily life in a Swiss protected house was de- 
scribed in Teri Gacs, A MSlysSgbol kiahunk Hozzad (We cry to you 
from the Depths, Hung.), Budapest, 1945; Hillel Seidrnan, in MZ, 
Dec. i, 14 and 28, 1947 and Jan. 4, 1948. For the intercessions of the U.S. 
Government see also Cyrus Adler and Aaron M. Margolith, With 
Firmness in the Right: American Diplomatic Action Affecting Jews 
1940-1945, N. Y., 1946. For the appeals of the International Red Cross 


see G. Reitlinger, op. cit^ for the Swedish intervention and the rescue 
efforts of Raoul Wallenberg see notes for Chapter Thirteen. 

PAGE 82 

The full extent of the crimes committed by the Szalasi regime was 
revealed when he and his accomplices were tried: Ferenc Abraham 
and Endre Kuszinsky, A Szalasi Per (The Szalasi Trial, Hung.), Buda- 
pest, 1946; also: Istvan Gyenes and Karoly Kiss, A Tizhonapos Tragedia 
(The Ten-Month Tragedy, Hung.}, Budapest, 1945; David M. Gasparne, 
A Sdrga Csillag (The Yellow Star, Hung.), Budapest, 1945. 

PAGE 83 

About the contradictory statistical reports concerning the number of 
Jews saved in the International Ghetto see BE. 

Istvan (Stephan) Bibo, in Valasz (Hung.), vol. VIII, Budapest, Oct.- 
Nov. 1948; Mr. Robert Major personal affidavit and statements. 

PAGES 83-84 

The attitude of the Hungarians in the crucial period of 1944-1945 is 
discussed at length in the diary of Miksa Fenyo, Az Elsodort Orszag 
(The Country that Was Swept Away, Hung.), Budapest, 1946, in which 
he records many instances of Hungarians who risked their lives and 
made many sacrifices to save Jews. The story of General Hegyessi is 
told in his memoirs. 

PAGE 84 

There are many autobiographical narratives of survivors of the Jewish 
forced labor battalions such as Gyorgy Bencze, Szabadit6 Barton 
(Liberating Prison, Hung.), Budapest; Hillel Danzig, Im Schatten der 
Pferde (Ger.), (typescript in the archives of the World Jewish Con- 
gress, N. Y.); Istvan Gyorgy, Fegyvertelenul a Tuzvonalban (Unarmed 
in the Front Line, Hung.), Budapest, 1945; Laszlo Sziits, Bori Garnizon 
(Garrison in Bor, Hung.), Budapest, 1945; Zoltan G. Vajda, A Lapatos 
Hadsereg (The Army with Shovels, Hung.), Budapest, 1945; Oszkar 
Zsadanyi, Mindenki Szolg&ja (Everybody's Servant, Hung.), Budapest, 
1945. Also important is the book by the former Minister of Defense in 
Kallay's cabinet, Vilmos Nagy, V&gzetes Esztendok (Fatal Years, Hung.) 
Budapest, 1946. 

PAGES 84-85 

The help of some individuals in the Hungarian army and administration 
has been extensively recorded in BB and in Szurke Konyv. 

PAGE 85 

In a letter to Joseph Cardinal Mindszenty of Feb. 28, 1946 Father 
Marie-B6noit tells about the great help given to him by the consul of 
the Hungarian Legation in Rome, Mr. Szasz, who issued hundreds of 
identity papers to Father B^noit's Jewish proteges and thus saved them 
from the Nazis. J. Levai, Szurke Konyv, teUs of another Hungarian 
diplomat in Paris, Dr. Anthony Uhl, who issued letters of baptism and 
other documents protecting many Jews from deportation. 


The Miller story was told by I B. Gal in Forward, Sept. 4, 1949. 

PAGES 85-90 

About the attitude of the Protestant and Catholic churches in Hungary 
see: Szurke Konyv^ BB; Albert Bereczky, Hungarian Protestanism and 
the Persecution of the Jews, Budapest; Emerich Kadar, in Judaica (Ger.), 
vol. V, No. 2, Zurich, 1949; Antal Meszlenyi, A Magyar katolikus 
Egyhaz es az Emberi Jogok Vedelme (The Hungarian Catholic Church 
and the Protection of Human Rights, Hung.), Budapest, 1947; Laszlo 
Palasti, in Kepes Figyelo (Hung.), vol. Ill, Apr. 5, 1947 (about Father 
Koehler who saved many Jews.) 

PAGE 86 
Intervention on behalf of baptized Jews see: E. Munkacsi, op. cit. 

PAGE 87 

About the Ujvary episode and the interventions of the Papal Nuncio 
see BB. 

PAGE 89 
About the Calvinist rescue work: Szurke Konyw, M. Fenyo, op cit. 

PAGES 86-88 

About the opposition in Christian circles to merely formal baptism see 
M. Fenyo, op. cit. 

PAGE 89 
About the Scottish mission see BB; Szurke Konyv. 

The statement of William Juhasz, in Church and Society, N. Y., 1953, 
about the rescue work of Cardinal Mindszenty on behalf of the Jews 
is not corroborated by other sources, except in Helen W. Hornan, op. 

PAGES 89-90 

The work of the Jewish rescue organizations and their underground 
railroad from Turkey through Romania and Hungary to Slovakia and 
Poland and vice versa has been described in Ira A. Hirschman, Lifeline 
to a Promised Land, N. Y., 1946; Marie Syrkin, op. cit.\ Oskar J. New- 
man, lm Schatten des Todes (Ger.), Tel Aviv, 1955; P. E. Singer, They 
Did Not Fear, N. Y., 1952. The plan to arm the Jewish labor battallions 
for self-defense is recorded in E. Munkacsi, op. cit. 

PAGE 90 

About the negotiations with the Hungarian opposition parties and with 
government officials see R, Kasztner, op. cit. 

About the cooperation between the Jewish and Hungarian resistance 
movement see: R. Kasztner, op. cit.\ Laszlo Domoter and Istvan Szilagyi, 
Partunk harca a demokraciaert (Our Party's Fight for Democracy, 
Hung.), Budapest, 1946. 

PAGE 9 1 

About the last weeks of the ghetto in Budapest and its liberation see, 
in addition to the above: L.P., MJ, Nov. 1948; J. Levai, A Pesti getto 
(The Ghetto of Pest, Hung.), Budapest, 1946. 


"We Let God Wait Ten Years" 

PAGE 92 

For the general background see: Philip Auerbach, Wesen und Formen 
des Widerstandes im Dritten Reich, Ph.D. Thesis, University of Erlan- 
gen, 1949; Die evangelische Kirche Deutschlands und die Judenfrage, 
Geneva, 1945; Heinz Schmidt, Die Judenfrage und die christliche 
Kirche in Deutschland, Stuttgart, 1947; Deutsche Kirchendokumente, 
Zurich, 1946; Mary Alice Gallin, Ethical and Religious Factors in the 
German Resistance to Hitler, Washington, D. C, 1955; J. Neuhaeusler, 
Kreuz and Hakenkreuz, Munich, 1946, 2 vols. For more detailed infor- 
mation and bibliography see: Philip Friedman, in YA, vol. X, 1955. 

About BonhoefTer see: Dietrich Bonhoeffer's Letters and Tapers -from 
Prison, London, 1953; W. A. Visser 'tHooft, in Das Zeugnis eines Eaten. 
Zum Gedaechtnis von Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Geneva, 1945; Hans Roth- 
fels, The German Opposition to Hitler, Hinsdale, 111., 1948. 

PAGES 92-93 

About the statistics of Jewish converts in Germany and Austria see: 
Friedrich Burgdoerfer, in Forschungen zur Judenfrage, vol. Ill, Ham- 
burg, 1938; Oskar Karbach, in JSS, vol. II, No. 3, 1940; Bruno Blau, in 
JSS, vol. XII, No. 2, I95 o. 

The story of the demonstration in Berlin is told by Bruno Blau, in YA, 
vol. VIII. A moving personal narrative of a Christian-German woman in 
Munich who married a Jew, adopted Judaism, remained faithful to the 
Jewish faith and, after the death of her husband, raised her daughter in 
the same spirit in spite of constant pressures and threat of the Gestapo, 
is recorded by Anna Holzman, in FLH, No. 7, Munich, 1948; other 
stories of devotion in mixed marriages were recorded by R. Behrend- 
Rosenfeld, op. cits, Lotte Paepke, Unter einem fremden Stern, Frank- 
furt am Main, 1952; Ruth Hoffman, Meine Freunde aus Davids Gesch- 
lecht, Berlin, 1947-, David Rodnick, Postwar Germans, New Haven, 

Cardinal Michael Faulhaber's sermons were published also in English as 
Judaism, Christianity and Germany, N. Y., 1935. About the Cardinal's 
attitude to Jews see also: Friedrich Stammer, in Rtmdbrief, Nos. 21-24; 
WLB, voL VI, Nos. 3-4, 1952; Joseph Weissthanner, in Welt ohne Hass, 
Berlin, 1950; Martin Hugh, op. cit. 

PAGE 94 

About Bishop von Galen see: Heinrich Portmann, Dokumente um den 
Bischof von Meenster, Muenster, 1948; the same, Kardinal von Galen. 
Ein Gottesmann seiner Zeit, Muenster, 1948; Hans Rothfels, op. cit. 

About Cardinal von Preysing see: Bischoefliches Ordinariat Berlin, 
Dokumente am dem Kampf der Katholischen Kirche im Bistum Berlin 


gegen den Nationals ozialismus, Berlin, 1946. The full text of Preysing's 
pastoral letter was also published in Rundbrief, Nos. 8-9, 1950. 

PAGES 94-95 

Alfons Erb, Bernhard Lichtenberg, Berlin, 1946; Max Jordan, Beyond 
All Fronts, Milwaukee, 1944. p 

Gertrude Luckner is the editor of the Rundbrief. About her visits in 
Israel and in England see: Rundbrief, vol. II, No. 7, 1950, and vols. 

III-IV, Nos. 12-15, 195 1 r> * 

J yj PAGES 96-97 

About Martin Niemoeller see: Bekennende Kirche, Martin Niemoeller 
zum 60. Geburtstag, Munich, 1952; Basil Miller, Martin Niemoeller, 
Hero of the Concentration Camp, Grand Rapids, Mich., 1942; Niemoel- 
ler's statements in the years 1933-1935 are reproduced in Kurt D. 
Schmidt, Die Bekenntnisse des Jahres 1933, 1934, 193$, vol. I. Goettin- 
gen, 1934-36; Niemoeller's trial was reported by his brother, Wilhelm 
Niemoeller, Macht geht vor Recht, der Prozess Martin Niemoellers, 
Munich, 1952. The most important statements by Martin Niemoeller 
about the problem of Jewish persecutions during the Nazi era are 
included in his Of Guilt and Hope, N. Y. 

PAGE 97 

Valerie Wolffenstein's account was published in Eric Boehm, (ed.), We 
Survived, New Haven, 1949. 

PAGES 98-99 

About Bishop Wurm see: Heinrich Fraenkel, The German f^ple 
Versus Hitler, London, 1940; Heinrich Hermelink (ed.), Kirche im 
Kampf: Dokumente des Widerstandes . . . der Evangelischen Kirche 
DeutscUands, 1933-1945, Tuebingen, 1950; Theophil Wurm, Erinnerun- 
gen aw memem Leben, Stuttgart, 1953. 

PAGES 99-100 

About the Bureau Grueber see: An der Stechbahn. Erlebnisse und 
Eerichte am dem Bureau Grueber, Berlin, 1951; Bekennende Kirche-, 

Die Evangelische Kirche . . . - 

PAGE 100 

About Hermann Maas see the articles by Emil Belzner, in Aufbau, 
May 5, 1950 (also Aufbau, Apr. 21, 1950 and Feb. 22, 1946), by 
Miriam Wolman-Sieraczek, in Yidishe Tsaytung, Buenos Aires, Nov. 10, 
1953 and by Marian Zhyd, in Yidishe Tsaytung, March 14, 1952. Her- 
mann Maas's two books about Israel are: Skizzen von einer Fahrt nach 
Israel, Karlsruhe, 1950, and -und will Rachels Kinder ivieder bringen ins 
Land, Heilbronn, 1955. 

The Unvanquished 

PAGE 101 

For the general background see: P. Meyer, "Czechoslovakia" in Jews in 
Soviet Satellites; Gerhard Jacoby, Racial State: The German Nation- 


alities Policy in the Protectorate of Bohemia-Moravia, N. Y., 1944 (with 
a substantial bibliography). 

About the Nazis' unsuccessful attempt to incite the Czech population 
against Jews see: J. Hronek, Volcano under Hitler, also the articles in 
MZ, Jan. 2 and Apr. 13, 1939. 

PAGE 102 

There is a large literature on the Theresienstadt ghetto. The most impor- 
tant books are: Zdenek Lederer, Ghetto Theresienstadt, London, 1953, 
and the bulky and well-documented book of H. G. Adler, Theresien- 
stadt, 19411945: Day An^lnz.,ejner Zwangsge?$eiMschaft (Ger.), Tuebin- 
gen, 1955, which contains also a comprehensive annotated bibliography. 

About Czech gendarmes punished or executed for helping Jews see: 
Z. Lederer, op. ch.\ H. G. Adler, op. cit. Hundreds of Jewish children 
were taken care of and sheltered in hostels and orphanages by the Czech 
Caritas CathoHca; see Dorothy Macardle, Children of Europe, Boston, 
1951; about the general friendly attitude of the Czech population see 
also Leo W. Schwarz, (ed.) The Root and the Bough, N. Y., 1949; 
J. Tenenbaum, Race and Reich. 

PAGES 102-103 

The story of the friendly Czech reception in PHsen for the Jewish 
camp inmates was told by a survivor, Itzhak Nemenchik, in Lands- 
berger Lager Cajtung (Yid.), May 3, 1946. 

PAGES 103-104 

The Rudolf Masaryk story was recorded by several survivors of Treb- 
linka and participants of the uprising. See: Stanislaw Kon, in Nayvelt 
(Yid,), Tel Aviv, July 19, 1946; the same, in Undzer Moment (Yid.), 
Regensburg, Apr. 13, 1947; Landsberger Yidishe Cajtung (Yid.), July 
25, 1947; Shabtai K,, in Hadoar (Heb.), N. Y., Dec. 22, 1946; S. Reisman, 
in Odrodzenie (Pol.), Lublin, Nos. 4-5, 1945; also in Sefer milhamot 
ha-getsot (Book of the Fighting in the Ghettos, Heb.), Tel Aviv, 1954. 
Another staunch friend of the Jews was Jan Masaryk, vice premier and 
minister of foreign affairs of the Czechoslovak Government in Exile, 
and son of the founder and first president of the Czechoslovak Republic, 
Thomas Masaryk. During his stay in the U.S. and Great Britain, Jan 
Masaryk devoted much of his time to participation in relief activities of 
Jewish organizations. In his public addresses he expressed great sym- 
pathy with and concern about the plight of the Jews in Nazi-occupied 
Europe. See: Z. H. Wachsman, The Governments in Exile and Their 
Attitude Towards Jews, N. Y., 1944, and the reprint from it, Jews in 
Czechoslovakia; Der Vidershtand (Yid.), vol. IV, No. i, N. Y., 1943; 
MZ, Jan. 1 6 and Jan. 31, 1939; The Jewish Bulletin, London, Nov. 1943. 

PAGE 104 

Czech colonist-farmers in Poland were helpful to Jews. Several records 
of Jewish survivors in various towns and villages of Volhynia mention 
their selfless help. See: Yalkut Volhyn (Heb,), Tel Aviv, 1945-1947, vol. 
I, No. 4 and No. 8; vol. II, No. 10 and Nos. 15-16. According to B. 


Mark, Bialystok, some Czech soldiers (from the Sudetenland) of the 
German army, stationed in Bialystok, were in contact with the Jewish 
underground organizations there. 

In Slovakia, where pro-Jewish sentiments were rare and the Nazi- 
dictated anti-Jewish legislation and extermination policy was relentlessly 
carried out, there were individual cases of sympathy and help to perse- 
cuted Jews, as recorded in the recently published memoirs of the Zionist 
and Jewish Community leader Dr. Oskar Neumann, 1m Schatten des 
Todes, Neumann particularly dwells upon the helpful attitude of the 
Slovak Minister for Education and Culture, Dr. Joseph Sivak, and of 
Dr. Augustin Pozdech, a Catholic priest and underground leader of 
Bratislava. He also extensively describes the cooperation between the 
Jewish and the Slovak resistance movement and their common fight 
against the Nazis in the uprising of Banska Bistrica. 
For the general background in Yugoslavia see: Jevrejski Almanah 1954, 
Belgrade (Serb, and Croat.); Dr. Isak Eskenazy, Dozivijaji za wreme 
nacizma . . . (Experiences during the Nazi Period, Croat.), N. Y., 1955 
(mimeogr.); Pauline Albala, Yugoslav Women Fight for Freedom, N. Y., 


For the attitude of Tito's partisans to the Jews and Jewish participation 
in the partisan movement see: David Alkalay, in Jewish Frontier, Jan. 
1953; European Jewry...-, David Flinker, in Tog, Apr. 26, 1952; The 
interviews with Moshe Pi jade, a former leader of the resistance move- 
ment and after the war vice-president of Yugoslavia, by M. K., in Droit 
et Liberte, Sept. 4, 1946; by J. Shmulevich, in Forward, Jan. 12, 1953, 
and by Raymond A. Davies, Odyssey through Hell, N. Y., 1944. There 
is a large literature about the Jewish parachutists from Israel who were 
dropped in Yugoslavia to work with the Yugoslav partisans and to help 
the Jewish communities under the Nazis. See: Dorothy and Pesah Bar- 
Adon, Seven Who Fell, Tel Aviv, 1948. 

A story of selfless sacrifice and courage was that of young Cyril Kotnik, 
an attach^ of the Yugoslav Embassy to the Vatican, who made many 
successful efforts to help the Jews in Rome, was eventually arrested and 
in spite of his diplomatic immunity brutally investigated and tortured 
by the Gestapo. Released thanks to the Vatican's intervention, Kotnik 
did not recover from his wounds and died. See: La Tragedia degli Ebrei, 
and Percy Eckstein, in Aufbau, July 8, 1955. 

PAGES 104-105 

About the friendly attitude of the Bulgarian people see: G. Reidinger, 
op. cit., L. Poliakov, Harvest . . . ; Nathan Grinberg, Dokumenty (Bulg.), 
Sofia, 1945; Hayim Benadov, in ]E\ Peter Meyer, "Bulgaria" in Jews in 
the Soviet Satellites-, Jacques Sabille, in MJ, vol. V, No. 30-31, 1950; see 
also the testimony of the Sephardic-Jewish girl from Bulgaria, Dzhanka 
Avishai, in Dos naye lebn (Yid,), No. 80, Lodz, Sept, 7, 1947, 
About the mass "mercy baptisms" and the mixed marriages see: P, 
Meyer, op. cit. 


PAGE 106 

A great wealth of material about the helpful attitude of the Greek 
population is contained in the work In Memoriam. See also: I. A. Mata- 
rasso, Ki homos holoi tons den pethanan . . . (However not all had been 
killed, Greek), Athens, 1948; Laura Melamed, in Cahiers de P Alliance 
Israelite Universelle, Nos. 95, 96, 97, Paris, 1956. For more bibliographical 
information see: Philip Friedman, in Joshua Starr Memorial Volume, 

p AGEI o 9 

About the attitude of the Greek partisans and the Jewish participation 
in the resistance movement see also European Jewry . . . ; Isaac Kabeli, 
in YA, vol. VIII. The escape routes from Greece to Turkey and from 
there to Palestine had been graphically described by Jon and David 
Kimche, The Secret Roads, London, 1954. The story of Volo had been 
recorded in In Memoriam^ vol. II. The happenings in some of the is- 
lands of the Greek archipelago were also recorded in Abraham Galante, 
Appendice a Fhistoire des Jutfs des Rhodes, Chio, Cos, etc. Istanbul, 1948. 

"For Your Freedom As Well As Ours" 

PAGE r 1 1 

For the general background see: J. Tenenbaum, In Search of a Lost 
People, N. Y., 1948; Biuletyn Komisji Gldwnej Badania Zbrodni Nie- 
mieckich w Polsce (Bulletin of the Chief Committee to Investigate the 
German Crimes in Poland, Polish), Warsaw, 1946-1955, 8 vols., and 
German Crimes in Poland, 2 vols., Warsaw, 1946-1948; Simon Segal, 
The New Order in Poland, N. Y.; Abraham (Adolf) Herman, in Pinkas 
Varshe (Yid.), Buenos Aires, vol. I, and in Warsaw, vol. I of the En- 
cyclopedia shel Galuyot (Encyclopedia of the Diaspora, Heb.), Jeru- 
salem-Tel Aviv, 1953; Tenikin-Berrnan, op. cit. For more bibliographic 
information see: Philip Friedman in Jewish Book Annual, N. Y., vol. 
IX, 1952-1953. PAGES in-i I2 

E. Ringelblum, op. cit. Some excerpts of Ringelblum's Diary were trans- 
lated into English in MF, and in Midstream, vol. II, No. i, N. Y., 1956. 

PAGES 112-113 
The statement of Zelwerowicz is quoted from his article in Opinia, 

Warsaw-Lodz, Apr. 19, 1948. ^ 

' r y y*t P A GE 1 13 

Maria Czapska, in Tygodnik Polski, vol. V, No. 8, N. Y., 1947 discusses 
Polish help to Jews, telling many interesting facts and episodes. 

The story of the baker of Brzeziny was told in a contemporaneous record 
(dated May 2, 1942) found in the archives of Judenrat of Lodz and 
published in AW. 

In his book The Captive Mind, N. Y., 1953, the Polish writer Czeslaw 
MiJosz, who lived through the German occupation in Poland, thus de- 


scribes the attitude of a famous Polish writer whom he identifies by the 
pseudonym "Alpha": "When the German authorities set out to murder 
systematically the 3,000,000 [there were approximately 3,500,000. P.F.] 
Jews of Poland, the anti-Semites did not feel compelled to worry much; 
they condemned this bestiality aloud, but many of them secretly thought 
it was not entirely unwanted. Alpha belonged to those inhabitants of the 
town [Warsaw] who reacted violently against this mass-slaughter. He 
fought with his pen against the indifference of others, and personally 
helped Jews in hiding even though such aid was punishable by death." 

The Mosdorf story was told by fellow-prisoners in Auschwitz; by the 
Jewish lawyer, Ma&anka, by Wolf Glicksman and by Tadeusz Ho-hij; 
see Itzhak Berensztein, in Dos naye lebn, Sept. 25, 1946; Philip Fried- 
man, Ofrwiecim, Buenos Aires, 1950. 

Wolf Glicksman, now in Philadelphia, published his article in YA, vol. 
VII, 1953. Cyrankiewicz was an executive member of the underground 
committee of prisoners and in this capacity wrote the appalling reports 
on the mass extermination of the Jews in Auschwitz. The reports were 
smuggled out of the camp to the free world. Some of these reports are 
published in Ph. Friedman, This Was Oswiecim, London, 1946. 

About Piasecki and Nowaczynski see: M. Borwicz, op. cit., vol. II; 

E. Ringelblum, op. cit. ^ 

PAGE 1 15 

The Rudnicki story was told by Rachel Auerbach, op. cit. The Witas- 
zewicz story in M. Feinzilber, op. cit. 

The Kowalski story was told in M. Borwicz, op. cit., vol. III. Other anti- 
Semitic leaders who under the impact of the Nazi persecutions changed 
their attitude toward Jews were the physician, Dr. Filipowsld, of the 
Armia Krajoiua, who helped the Jewish Fighters* Organization in 
Bialystok, after the uprising in August, 1943, giving them medical care 
and medicines Mordecai Tenenbaum, the commander of the Jewish 
Fighters' Organization in Bialystok, entrusted to him the third box of the 
archives of the Jewish underground, YBLG, Sept. 1955; the Catholic 
lawyer, J6zef Barski, helped and rescued many Jews, risking his life. 
See: A. Berman, in Encyclopedia. . , . 

PAGE 116 

Mrs. Eva Horn-Rosenthal published her memoirs in a series of articles, 
in Der Tog. This particular story was published in the issues of June 20, 
July 2 and 3, 1946. 

Quoted from Rachel Auerbach, in Nowe Widnokrggi, No. 13 (1945). 

PAGES 116-117 

Other stories about helpful Poles, in J. Pat, Ashes and Fire and his ar- 
ticles in Forward, May 20, 1946 and Jan. 12, 1947; J. Kurtz, Sefer Eduth 
(Book of Testimony, Heb.), Tel Aviv, 1949; Markuszow; Skernievits. 
Sometimes even a simple manifestation of sympathy to the persecuted 


could cost the person involved his life. Thus in Mlawa the Gestapo 
staged a cruel public execution of fifty Jews in April 1942. The Nazis 
forced the entire population to witness this spectacle for the sake of 
"racial education." One of the Poles who could no longer control him- 
self started to shout: "Down with Hitler! Innocent blood is being shed." 
He was instantly caught and killed by the Germans, Pinkas Mla'we. 

PAGE 117 
Szpilman, op. cit. tells of his Polish friends who saved his life. 

Hirszfeld, op. cit. Another story of help given to the theatre director 
Arnold Szyfman is narrated in his diary written in 1943. A fragment of 
it was published in Tivorczosd, vol. 2, No. 4, Warsaw, 1946. 

Jonas Turkow in his memoirs, op. cit., particularly in vol. II, describes 
many instances of help given to him and to other Jews by Poles, in- 
dividuals and organizations. 

The Grabski story, in M. Borwicz, op. cit., vol. III. 

The Humnicki story in M. Feinzilber, op. cit. 

PAGES 117-118 

The MaSlak story was told by Tadeusz Zaderecki, Prof, of the Uni- 
versity of Lodz, in Opinia, No. 2, July, 1946. 

The story would not be complete if we did not mention the numerous 
simple people who helped Jews. There were Polish housemaids who 
helped former employers. The distinguished painter, Arthur Szyk, told 
in the introduction to his Bible drawings, N. Y., 1946, the story of his 
seventy-year-old mother, Eugenie Szyk, deported in March, 1943, from 
Lodz to a concentration camp. Her housemaid Josepha, a Polish peasant 
girl, voluntarily joined the old lady in the journey to death, Der Tog, 
Aug. 1 8, 1946. Abraham Sutzkever tells the story of a housemaid who 
voluntarily accompanied her Jewish employers to the Vilna ghetto and 
perished there together with them, A. Sutzkever, op. cit. 

Sometimes Polish working people showed sympathy and offered help, 
as did workers of the Warsaw trolley-bus service. E. Ringelblum, op. cit., 
and N. Gross, in Nasze Slowo, Warsaw, Apr. 19, 1947. A group of 
twenty-odd Jews found shelter during a Nazi extermination operation 
in the sewers of Lwow under the most unsanitary and dangerous condi- 
tions. They were discovered by a group of Polish workers of the 
Sanitation Department. The men not only did not report them to the 
German authorities but organized secret help for them. They provided 
the Jews with food and were very kind to them, M. Borwicz, op. cit., 

vol. II. 


Quoted from Jerzy Zawiej ski's article, in Martwa Fala (The Dead Wave, 
Pol), Warsaw, 1947, and from J. Andrzejewski's article, ibidem. 
Andrzejewski published a short story: "Wielki tydzieft" (The Holy 
Week, P0/), Warsaw, 1945, where he impressively described the suffer- 


ings of a Jewish family remaining in Warsaw with Aryan papers. 
S. Otwinowski, ibidem; Otwinowsld was one of the first Polish writers 
to publish, after the war, a dramatic work in which he glorified the 
Warsaw uprising, Wielkanoc (Easter, Pol.), Cracow, 1946. The uprising 
of the Warsaw ghetto became a central topic for many Polish writers, 
see, e.g. the poems by Wladyslaw Broniewski and Tadeusz Sarnecki (in 
English translation in MF). About the reaction of Polish writers to the 
Jewish catastrophe see: Almanakh fun der poylisher liter atur vegn der 
tragedy e fun di yidn be'eys der Hitler okupatsie (Almanac of the Polish 
Literature on the Jewish Tragedy during the Hitler Occupation, Yid.), 
Warsaw, 1950; B. Mark, Di yidishe tragedy e in der poylisher liter atur 
(The Jewish Tragedy in Polish Literature, Yid.), Warsaw, 1950; M. 
Borwicz, (ed.) Piesn ujdzie calo (The Song Will Survive, JP0/.), an 
anthology, Warsaw-Lodz, 1947; Victor Shulman, in Zukunft, Sept. 
1947; Rachel Auerbach, in Kiyoum (Yid.), vol. Ill, Nos. 9-10, 1948; 
Joseph Wulf, in Yidishe Shriftn, vol. I, Lodz, 1946; Mendel Man, in 
Bafrayung, Munich, No. 53, 1947. 

PAGE 1 19 

Stefan Korbonski, Fighting Warsaw: The Story of the Polish Under- 
ground State, 1939-1945. N. Y., 1956. See also MF. 

S. Kossak-Szczucka was eventually deported to Auschwitz. After various 
interventions she was released and resumed her underground work in 
Warsaw. She published a clandestine pamphlet about Auschwitz and 
after the war published a book about her recollections of Auschwitz, 
One chapter is devoted to the sufferings of Jewish women. 

PAGE 120 

The story of the Council for Aid to Jews, its foundation and activities, 
was recorded by many authors: A. Berman, Encyclopedia, vol. I; M. 
Neustadt, op. c%t.\ T. Borzykowski, op. cit.\ J. Turkow, op. cit., vol. I; 
M. Borwicz, op. cit., vol. II; In di yorn fun yidishn urnkwn (In the 
Years of the Jewish Catastrophe, Yid.), N. Y., 1948; Wfedka (Feigele 
Peltel-Miedzyrzecki), Fun bayde zaytn geto moyer (From Both Sides of 
the Ghetto Wall, Yid.), N. Y., 1948, in English translation in M.F. See 
also the article of T. Seweryn, in "W trzeciq, rocznice zaglady ghetta 
krakowskiego (On the Third Anniversay of the Extermination of the 
Ghetto in Cracow, Pol.), Cracow, 1946; Marek Arczyftski in Praivo 
czloivieka (Pol), No. i, Warsaw, 1945; Witold BieAkowski in Dzi& i 
Jutro (Pol), No. 19, Warsaw, 1946; about J. Grobelny see in Qlos 
3undu (Pol), Lodz-Warsaw, Apr. 15, 1947. 

PAGE 122 

The relations between the Polish and the Jewish underground movement 
have been dealt with in many publications: MF; Marek Edelman, The 
Ghetto Fights, N. Y., 1946; M. Neustadt, op. cit. y vol. I; Wladka, op. cit.,\ 
A. Berman, Encyclopedia . . .; J. Kermisz, Po'wstanie ID getcie r warsza f W" 
skim (The Uprising in the Warsaw Ghetto, P0/,), Lodz, 1946; B. Mark, 
Poi^stanie w get tie warszaivskim (The Uprising in the Warsaw Ghetto, 


Pol), Warsaw, 1953; T. Bor-Komorowski, The Secret Army^ London, 
1951; Marek Celt, By Parachute to Warsaw, London, 1945. About the 
negotiations in Vilna and Bialystok see: R. Korchak, Lehavot ba'efer 
(Ashes in the Fire, Heb.), Merhavia, 1946; B. Mark, in BFG, vol. V, 
No. 3; the same, in Bialystok; M. Tenenbaum-TamarofT, Dapim mm 
ha'dleyka (Leaves from the Fire, Heb.), Tel Aviv, 1947. 

PAGES 122-123 

The appeal of the Jewish Fighters' Organization to the Poles: "For Your 
Freedom as Well as Ours," published in English translation in M. Edel- 
man, op. cit.\ in MF\ Bernard Goldstein, op. cit. 

PAGE 123 

The smuggling of weapons was graphically described by Wladka, 
op. cit.y the passage through the sewers by T. Borzykowski, op. ch.\ 
Bernard Goldstein, op. cit.; Zivia Lubetkin, in Commentary , May, 1947; 
M. Edelman, op. cit.; MF. See also the diary of Witold Dobrzanski who, 
together with other Polish Socialists, smuggled food and arms through 
the sewers into the ghetto. Once they were ambushed by the Germans 
and three were killed. See AW. 

PAGES 123-124 

About the attitude of the AK (Home Army) and the NSZ (National 
Armed Forces) to the Jews see: S. 2ochowski, in Kultura (Pol.), vol. 
31, Paris, 1950; the same, ibidem, No. 36, May, 1950; W. 2bik-Kaniewski 
and Jan Lednicki, ibidem. Instances where the lower echelons of the 
AK, NSZ, and other formations murdered Jews in hiding or in the 
woods, were reported by many survivors. Just to quote some of these 
accounts: 2elech6w; Skernievits; Briansk (Yid.), N. Y., 1948; J. Tenen- 
baum, Underground; Markuszdw; ]. Turkow, op. cit., vol. II; A yid -fun 
Klementoiv dertsaylt (A Jew from Klement6w Narrates, Yid.), War- 
saw; S. L. Shneiderman, Between Fear and Hope, N. Y., 1947; A. Ber- 
man, Encyclopedia, vol. I; M. Borwicz, op. cit., vol. II; A, Szyfman, 
op. cit. On the other hand, there are records of protection given to Jews 
by some of the commanding officers of the Home Army such as those 
recorded in M. Borwicz, op. cit., vol. II. A more friendly attitude was 
found among the liberal and leftist groups of the Polish underground. 
See: Markuszdiv; ]. Turkow, op, cit., vol. II; AW; A. Berman, En- 
cyclopedia . . . ; Stanislaw Nienalkowski, in Glos Bundu, Apr. 19, 1948; 
BFG, vol. I; Tsum tsentn yortog fun oyfshtand in Varshever geto. 
Dokumentn un materialn (On the Tenth Anniversary of the Warsaw 
Ghetto Uprising. Documents and Materials, Yid.), ed. by B. Mark, 
Warsaw, I953 . p AQES I22 ^ H 

About the experiences of Jews living on "Aryan" papers and exposed to 
constant blackmail by shady characters and to a relentless manhunt by 
the Nazi police see: B, Goldstein, op. cit.; AW; Wladka, op. cit.; L. W. 
Schwarz, op. cit.*, MF; Wincenty Rzymowski, Epoka Hitler a (P0/.) 
Lublin, 1945; Nathan Gross, in YBLG, Apr. 1956. About the efforts of 
the Polish and Jewish underground to fight the plague of blackmailers 


and informers see: S, Korbonski, op. cit.; A. Berman, Encyclopedia . . . ; 
J. Hirszhaut, in Y1VO Bleter, vol. XXXVII, 1953, and in Kiyoum, vol. 
Ill, No. 3, 1951; Aaron Brandes, Kets ha'yehudim Vmaarav Polin (The 
End of the Jews in Western Poland, Heb.), Merhavia, 1945. 

PAGE 124 

For the attitude of the Polish higher clergy to the Jews in the last pre- 
war years and during the Nazi occupation see: G. Reitlinger, op. cit.; 
L. Poliakov, Breviaire . . . ; J. Tenenbaun, In Search.-, the same, Under- 
ground; S. L. Shneiderman, op. cit. On the other hand see the Catholic 
view on Cardinal Kakowski in J. Oesterreicher, op. cit.; on Cardinal 
Sapieha in S. Korbonski, op. cit.; S. Piotrowski, Dziennik Hansa Franka 
(The Diary of Hans Frank, Pol.), Warsaw, 1956. Some Polish and Jew- 
ish writers claim that the Polish church authorities were equivocal to 
the Jewish ordeal under the Nazis and did not do enough to fight anti- 
Semitism. See: Julian Przybos, in Marfwa Fala (Pol); Jehoshua Shiloni, 
Ehad shenimlat (One Who Escaped, Heb.), Tel Aviv, 1956. The rescue 
work of various Catholic organizations, priests and converts was de- 
scribed by many Polish and Jewish writers: Dzieci oskarzaja; M. Czapska, 
op. cit.; W. Smolski, op. cit.; R. Auerbach, op. cit.; Grayeve yizkor- 
bukh (Grajewo Memorial Volume, Yid.), N. Y., 1950; A. Simaite, in 
Der Litvisher Yid, Nos. 7-8, Apr.-May 1946; M. Borwicz, op. cit., vol. 
II and III; E. Ringelblum, op. cit.; A. Sutzkever, op. cit. 

PAGES 124-125 
Gazeta Livoivska, Sept. 8, 9 and n, 1941. 

PAGE 125 

About the converts in ghetto see MF, 

The Szczebrzeszyn story was told in the diary of the Polish physician 
Zygmunt Klukowski, in BFG, vol. IV, No. 4. 
The Siedlce story in M. Feinzilber, op. cit. 

PAGES 125-126 

The Gdowski story was narrated by Herman Adler in his poetical works 
Ostra Brama (Ger.), Zurich, 1945, and Gesaenge am der Stadt des Todes 
(Ger.), Ziirich-N. Y., 1945. The Szczucin story was recorded in the 
Inter-Allied Review, No. 3, March 1941, 

PAGE 126 

The Catholic rescue offer to the three rabbis of Warsaw was reported 
by HiUel Seidman, in MZ, Feb. 2, and 4, 1947; Marian Zhyd, in Forward, 

March i, 1947; MF. _, 

v ^ 7 PAGES 126-127 

The help and sympathy of Polish labor was recorded at some length in 
B. Goldstein, op. cit.; Pinkhas Schwartz, in Der Veker y May i, 1946 
(particularly the help given to two leaders of the Jewish Socialist Bund 
by the Polish lawyer Joseph Stopnicki and the actress Lena Zelwero- 
wicz); see also the same writer's article about Tomasz Arciszewski (a 
leader of the PPS, and later Prime Minister of the Polish Government 
in Exile), in Unzer Tsayt, Dec. 1955. About other Socialist leaders see: 


M. Neustadt, op. cit., vol. I; S. Korbonski, op. cit. About the help of the 
Socialist Fighting Organization and Jewish participation in its units see: 
R. Gerber, in BFG, vol. I, No. 2, 1948; S. Korbonski, op. cit. 

PAGES 127-128 

The Pluskowski story was told by I. Shmulevich, in Forward, Sept. 21, 
1951. About the alleged Communist help to Jews and particularly to the 

Jewish Fighters' Organization in Warsaw see: Tsum tsentn yortog ; 

R. Gerber, in BFG, vol. I, No. 2, 1948; Sz. Zachariasz, Jozef Lewartowski 
(FzdL), Warsaw, 1953; Sz. Zachariasz and B. Mark, (ed.) PPR in kctmf 
un boy (The Polish Workers Party in Fight and in Construction, Yid.), 
Warsaw, 1952; also BFG, vol. IV, No. 3, 1951; M. Tenenbaum-Tamaroff, 
op. cit. (about the promised Communist help to the Jewish youth move- 
ment Dror which proved to be a failure and ended in disaster). 

PAGE 128 
About the Kazimierz Kot group see B. Mark, in BFG, vol. IV, No. i, 

" * PAGES 128-129 

The story of Szymek, of "Grab" WiderkowsM, Hil Grynszpan and 
Dr. Skotnicki is recorded in J. Turkow, op. cit., vol. II, and is also based 
on my interview with Dr. Michael Temczyn (Temchin), now in Florida, 
N. Y. Dr. Temczyn organized a partisan unit in the woods near Lublin. 
When the partisan movement gained strength and reorganized into the 
Polish People's Army, Dr. Temczyn was appointed chief physician and 
organized its sanitary and medical services. He was very popular with 
the Polish and Jewish partisans as well as with the peasants under the 
nickname Major "Znakhor" (the Witch-Doctor ). 

Eastern Europe 

PAGE 130 

About the Eimatzgruppen and their activities in Eastern Europe at large 
see Trials of War Criminals before the Nuremberg Military Tribunals 
Under Control Council Law No. w, Washington, D. C., 1945-1949, vol. 
IV (The Einsatzgruppen Case). Also J. Tenenbaum, Race and Reich; 
G. Reitlinger, op. cit^ Ph. Friedman, in Vitebsk amol (Yid.\ N. Y., 

I956 ' PAGE 131 

For statistics of Jews in the Soviet areas in the years 1939-1945 see: 

Solomon Schwarz, Jews in the Soviet Union, Syracuse, 1951. 

PAGE 132 

About Ukrainian-German relations during World War II see: Ihor 
Kamenetzky, Hitler** Occupation of Ukraine, 1941-1945, Milwaukee, 
Wis., X95<5, with an extensive bibliography on this subject. About the 
S.S. Division Halychyna see: Basil Dmytryshyn, in The American Slavic 
and East European Review, vol. XV, 1956; "The Galician S.S. Division" 
in WLB y voi IV, Nos. 5-6, 1950. For the Ukrainian viewpoint on Ukrain- 


ian-Jewish relations see: Lev Dobriansky, in The Ukrainian Quarterly, 
vol. V,No. 2, 1949 and Volodymir Doroshenko, in Ohnishche ukrainskoy 
nauki (The Center of Ukrainian Scholarship, l/r.), Philadelphia, 1951; 
Ivan Kedryn, in Svoboda, New Jersey, Oct. 4, 1951. From the Jewish 
viewpoint see: Joseph L. Lichten, in The Annals of the Ukrainian 
Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U. S., vol. V, Nos. 2-3, 1956. 

PAGES 133-136 

About Metropolitan Sheptytsky see: I B[uchko]., Velykyy chernets I 
narodolubets (A Great Churchman and Patriot, Ukr.) 7 Prudentopol, 
Brazil, 1949 (?); Stepan Baran, Mytropolyt Andrey Sheptytsky (Ukr.), 
Munich, 1947; Gregor Prokoptschuck, Der Metropolit (Ger.), Munich, 
1955. Kurt Levin, now in the U. S., told the story of his own rescue and 
that of about 150 other Jews by the Metropolitan in his book, Aliti mi 
'Spezzia (I Left from Spezzia for Israel, Heb.), Tel Aviv, 1946 and later 
elaborated upon it in more detail in his article in the English section of 
Svoboda, Jan., 1954. The story of Rabbi D. Kahane, now army chaplain 
in Israel, was told in his memoirs (non-published) and interviews with 
this writer, as well as in his article in Undzer Veg (Yid.) 9 Paris, Sept. 
17, 1948; also in S. Samet, op. cit.\ L. Leneman, in Kanader Odler, Oct. 
12, 1949. 

An interesting sidelight on the attitude of Metropolitan Sheptytsky is 
given by a German Foreign Office agent, Dr. Frederic, who was sent by 
his superiors on a tour through various Nazi-occupied and satellite 
countries to get the reaction of the population and of leading personalities 
toward the Germans. In his confidential report, Berlin, Sept. 19, 1943, 
to the German Foreign Office he discusses his meetings in Lwow with 
the Ukrainian leaders and Metropolitan Sheptytsky. The Metropolitan 
frankly told him of his disapproval of the inhuman treatment of the 
Jews by the Nazis and blamed them for killing 100,000 Jews in Lwow 
and several millions in the Ukraine. One Ukrainian boy, said the Metro- 
politan, told him at confession that he killed 75 Jews during one night. 
Dr. Frederic tried to counter Sheptytsky's charges with the usual Nazi 
arguments against Jews. Sheptytsky remained adamant in his statement 
that the killing of the Jews was an inadmissible act. To this description 
Frederic adds his own comment: "In this issue the Metropolitan made 
the same statements and even used the same phrasing as the French, 
Belgian and Dutch bishops, as if all of them were receiving the same 
instructions from the Vatican." (Document No* CXLV, a-6o, in the 
Archives of the Centre de Documentation Juive in Paris). There are 
many records about simple Ukrainian people, peasants, housemaids, 
workmen, who saved or helped Jews. See: Sefer Ratne (F*W.), Buenos 
Aires, 1954; Ada Eber-Friedman, in Nasza Try buna, Nos. 109-118, N. Y., 
1949-1950; Yalkut Volhyn, op. cit., vol. II, n; Brody, Jerusalem, 1956; 
S. Szende, The Promise Hitler Kept, N. Y., 1945; G. Taffet, op. tit* 
Eya Ehrenburg, Merder fun felker (Murderers of Nations, F*W.) 1944; 
Pinkos Eyten; Vasyl Mudriy, in Svoboda, March 3, 1955 notes many 


instances of Ukrainian rescue activities. Petro Pik-Piasetskiy, in Svoboda, 
Apr. 9, 1953, notes the following interesting figures: In the Peremyslany 
county in Eastern Galicia, comprised of four small townships and thirty- 
six villages and surrounded by big forests, many Jews escaped to the 
woods and formed several armed groups. They were supported by the 
forest supervisors, seven of them Ukrainians and one Pole, and the 
forest superintendents, among them twenty-eight Ukrainians and four 
Poles. In one of the forest regions, particularly suitable for hiding, 1,500 
Jews found shelter. In three other regions less suitable for hiding, about 
200 Jews lived. The foresters kept the Jews informed of raids and move- 
ments of the Gestapo and the German police, and provided them with 
food and weapons. Accounts of Jewish survivors corroborate the fact 
that large Jewish groups hid in the "Black Forest" of Peremyslany, par- 
ticularly in the forest of Jaktoriv. The German administration was aware 
that a number of Jews was sheltered by Ukrainian peasants. In a con- 
fidential report sent to Berlin by the S.S. and Polizeifuehrer in the 
Gouvernment General, dated Oct. 7, 1943, it was stated that "in the 
district of Galicia the number of trial proceedings against non-Jews 
guilty of hiding Jews recently increased." In the Ukrainian resistance 
movement, both of the nationalist and leftist brands, were few Jews. 
Close cooperation existed between the Jewish youth underground organi- 
zation in Brody and a Leftist Ukrainian underground group in Lwow, 
which helped organize a unit of about 120 Jewish partisans in a forest 
near Brody and supplied them with weapons. The story of the Brody 
group and its fighting encounters with the Germans is told in B. Eisen- 
stein, op. cit.^ T. Brustin-Berenstein, in BFG, vol. IV, No. 3, 1953, and 
in the official report of the police and S.S. Chief for the District of 
Galicia, General Fritz Katzman, !MT y vol. 37. Another interesting ac- 
count of co-operation with a Nationalist Ukrainian resistance group was 
published in Nasha meta (Ukr.), Nos. 44, 45, 48, Toronto, Nov. 27, 
Dec. 4, 24, 1954, by Dr. Stella Krenzbach, now in Israel, who was invited 
to enter the ranks of the UPA (Ukrainian Insurgent Army) as a physi- 
cian and accepted the offer. 

PAGE 136 

About the Lithuanian pro-German partisans and their attitude toward 
Jews see; IMT, vol. 37 (Dr. Stahlecker's Report); the clandestine Polish 
report, not dated (probably early 1942), "The Extermination of Jews by 
Lithuanians/' in the archives of Instytut Historji Najnowszej (Institute 
of Contemporary History) in Warsaw (copy in my archive). Also see: 

S, KaczerginskL op. ch. ^ rt 

D PAGES 137-138 

The Lithuanian underground sources are quoted in S. Schwarz, op. cit. 
The Lithuanian help to Jews was discussed in a series of articles by 
L. Szalna, in Nojienos, a Lithuanian periodical in the U. S. The theses 
of Szalna's articles were challenged by a memo of ADL (The Anti- 
Defamation League of B'nal Bridi, N. Y.) also published in Nojienos, 
Cf. A. Simaite, m Lite, vol. L About Lithuanian help to Jews see also 


H. Abramovich, in Yidishe Tsaytung, Buenos Aires, Dec. 14, 1953. 

PAGE 138 

The Stokauskas story was told by P. Schwarz, in Veker, May i, 1956; 
also in the above mentioned article of Abramovich. 

PAGE 139 
The Rutkauskas story, in M. Dworzecki, op. cit. 

PAGES 138-139 

About the help of Lithuanian intellectuals see: M. Dworzecki, op. cit.\ 
A. Simaite, in Goldene Kayt (Yid.), vol. VIII, 1951; the same, in Dorem 
Afrike (Yid.), Feb., 1954 and in Lite, vol. I, also her letter of Aug. 30, 
1955 to Dina Abramovich, N. Y. (in my archive). On the other hand, 
Dr. S. Gringauz, in JSS, vol. XI, No. i, 1949, tells of a different ex- 
perience in Kaunas ghetto where attempts were made to establish rela- 
tions with the Lithuanian clergy and intellectuals but with no success. 
As for a Lithuanian appraisal of the situation, an article of R. Mironas, 
professor of Kaunas University, published in the Lithuanian period- 
ical Taribu Lietuova, Feb., 1945, reflects the feelings of frustration, 
repentance and self-incrimination. 

About Jankauskas see: Rachel Pupko-Krynski, in YIVO Bleter, vol. 
XXX, No. 2, 1947. Prof. Movslovitch's story was told by A. Simaite, in 
Goldene Kayt. 

Zelig Kalmanovitch's Diary, written originally in Hebrew, was published 
in English in YA, vol. XIII, 1953, in Yiddish in YIVO Bleter, vol. XXXV, 

The story of the peasant Thaddaus and his wife was recorded by Berl 

Kahan, op, cit. -. 

PAGE 140 

About Bishop Rainis and the attitude of the Lithuanian clergy in Vilna 
see: A. Simaite's articles in Goldene Kayt, and in Lite, vol. I, and in 
Litvtsher Yid y Nos. 7-8, 1946; also H. Abramovich, op. cit. 

PAGES 140-141 

The Vidulde story in H. Abramovich, op. cit.- 9 A. Sutzkever, op. cit. 
About Vaitchkus and the priest Dambrauskas see: A. Simaite, in Lite, 

vol. I. n 

PAGE 141 

About Latvia and Estonia see: The Stahlecker report in 1MT 9 vol. 37; 
also L. Poliakov, Br&viaire , . . 

PAGE 141-142 

About the attitude of the Belorussian population see: S. Schwarz, 
op. cits y L. Poliakov, BrSviaire . , . ; Ph. Friedman, in Vitebsk; Malka 
Kelrich, Tsurik tsum lebn (Back to Life, Yid.), Munich, 1948; Shrnuel 
Borenstein, Plugat Dr. Atlas (The Unit of Dr. Atlas, Heb.)> Tel Aviv, 
1948; Hersh Smoliar, in Minsker ghetto (F*W.), Moscow, 1946; Sepher 
Barmovitch. The friendly attitude of Lukashenia to his Jewish col- 
leagues was recorded by Dr. Z. Levenbuk, in Sepher Baranovitch. The 
Bulletin of the Borysov Relief Organization (Yid.), vol. I, No. 2, N. Y., 


Dec., 1945 mentions the priest Grigori Klebanow who saved sixty Jewish 
children. The testimony of S.S. officer Machol is quoted in Simon 
Datner's report on the trial of Machol, in BFG, vol. Ill, Nos. 3-4, 
1950 and in B. Mark, Bialystok. 

"We Will Not Surrender the Jews" 

PAGE 143 

The situation of the Jews in Finland during World War II was dealt 
with by Joseph Wulf in Kiyoum (F*W.), Nos. 6-8, Paris, 1952; L. Polia- 
kov and J. Wulf, Das Dritte Reich und die Juden, Berlin, 1955; Jacques 
Sabille, in MJ, Nos. 39, 40, 41, 1951. 

This statement is quoted from Wipert von Bluecher, Gesandter zivischen 
Diktatur und Demokratie, Wiesbaden, 1951. 

PAGE 144 
About the anti- Jewish motions of the pro-Nazi groups see: J. Wulf in 

Kiyoum. ^ 

PAGES 145-148 

Himmler's visit to Helsinki and his negotiations with the Finnish Gov- 
ernment are described at length in Felix Kersten, Totenkopf und Treue, 
Hamburg, 1953; J. Sabille, in MJ } No. 39. 

PAGE 145 

A general profile and biography of Kersten, in J. Sabille, MJ, No. 39, 
and H. R. Trevor-Roper, in Commentary, April, 1957. 

The problem of the German-Jewish refugees in Finland was discussed 
by I. Kovalski, in Undzer Vort, Paris, March 23, 1947; J. Tenenbaum, 
Race and Reich. 

About Kivimaeki, see: J. Sabille, in MJ, No. 39. 

PAGE 146 

The story of how the Finnish Intelligence Service got hold of Himmler's 
file was disclosed by the chief of the wartime Finnish censorship, Prof. 
Kustaa VHkuna, and told by a correspondent of the Christian Science 
Monitor, Dec. 24, 1954. 

Witting's statement: "We will not surrender the Jews," is quoted by 
Kersten, op. oh. 

How the vessels for the eventual escape of Finland's Jews to Sweden 
were prepared by the Finnish government is told by D. Kula, in Undzer 
Veg, Paris, Dec. 17, 1948. 

PAGES 147-148 

About the few deportations and the Finnish opposition to it, see: I. A. 
Fisher, in Zionktische Sttmme (Yid.), Paris, Nov. 18, 1948; "Keiner 
sollte ausgeliefert werden," in Duesseldorfer Allgemeine Juedische 
Wochenzeitung (Ger.), Jan* 14, 1955. 



Miracle of the Exodus 

PAGE 149 

For the story of Denmark's Jews during World War II, see ^Julius 
Moritzen, in CJR, May, 1940; interview with Dr. Max Weinreich, in 
Forward, March 27, 1940; Henrik de Kaufman, in Jewish Ledger, 
Springfield, Mass., Nov. 12, 1943; A. Russ, in Mibafnim (Heb.}, vol. 
VII, Eyn Harod, 1941; B. Habas, in Sepher Ally at Hanoar; H. G. Adler, 
in WLB, vol. IX, Nos. 1-2, 1955; J. Sabille, in MJ, No. 25, 1949; Per 
Moller, in Un Peuple se reveille, Lausanne, 1946 (?); Fun noentn over, 
vol. L; Nella Rost, in JE; Francis Hacket, in Milhamtenu (Heb.)> vol. 
Ill, No. 34, 1945; "Danish Red Sea" in Newsweek, Oct. 18, 1943; Hugo 
Valentin, in YA, vol. VIII, 1953; Aage Bertelsen, October '43, N. Y., 
1954; Pinches Welner, / nine Dage (In Those Days, Dan.), Copenhagen, 

" PAGES 149-150 

About King Christian X see: A. Bertelsen, op. cit. S. Berson, in MJ, May 
30, 1946; Eynikayt (Yid.), Moscow, Oct. 28, 1943; J. Zylberberg, in 
Tog, Sept. 15, 1953. After King Christian's death a Jewish writer in Fin- 
land published a eulogy devoted to his memory, Lo nishkakhekbo, 
"hcfmelekh (We will not forget you, o King, Heb. and Yid.), Helsinki, 
1947. A photostat copy of King Christian's letter to the rabbi of Copen- 
hagen is published in Fun noentn over, vol. I. 

PAGES 150-151 

Dr. W. Best's reports on the strong Danish opposition to any anti-Jewish 
action were published by J. Sabille, in MJ, No. 24, 1949. Dr. Best was 
sentenced to death in Oct. 1948 by a Danish court. An appeal court com- 
muted the sentence to five years' imprisonment (N. Y. Times, July 19, 

PAGES 151-152 

About Moltke and Duckwitz see: E. Boehm, op. cit.; H. Rothfels, op. cit.; 
A. Bertelsen, op. cit, Ph. Friedman, in YA, vol. X; A German of the 
Resistance, Last Letters of Count H. J. Moltke, London, 1946. 

PAGE 152 

For a detailed account of the Henriques story see: A. Bertelsen, op, cit.; 
On Hans Hedtoft see: A. J. Fischer, in Duesseldorfer Allgemeine 
Juedische Wochenzeitung, March 4, 1955 and J. Zylberberg, in MZ, 
Feb. 8, 1955. 

About Swedish interventions on behalf of the Jews see: J. Sabille, in Mf y 
No. 26, 1949; H. Valentin, in YA, vol. X, and in MJ, No. 37; S. Nathan, 

in Tog, Feb. 20, 1950. ^ 

PAGES 153-154 

The GUdeby story was told by I Trotzky, in Tog, May 13, 1950. 
A. Bertelsen, op. cit.; S. Nathan, in To,%, Feb. 20, 1950. 


PAGE 153 

About the saving of the Torah scrolls see: A. Bertelsen, op. cit.- Hayim 
Ehrenreich, in Forward, Feb. 7, 1954. 

PAGE 154 

The activities of the Lyngby group were described by its leader A. 
Bertelsen, op. cit. We supplemented this report by personal interviews 
with Mr. and Mrs. A. Bertelsen. Besides this, during their visit in New 
York, in 1954, the Bertelsens were interviewed by various newsmen. See: 
Leon Krystol, in Forward, May 15, 1954; Hayim Ehrenreich, in For- 
ward, March 4, 1954; B. Shefner, in Forward, Dec. n, 1954. 

PAGES 154-155 
The B. Aaudze story was told by Hayim Ehrenreich, in Forward, Apr. 

II > 1954 * PAGES 155-156 

Peter Freuchen, Vagrant Viking, N. Y., 1953. See also S. L. Shneiderman, 

in Tog-MZ, Jan. 17, 25 and Feb. 6, 1954. 

PAGE 156 

About Boxenius see: I. Levanon, in Davar (Heb.)> May 5, 1950, and 
Aaron Zeitlin, in Tog-MZ, Feb. 17, 1956. 

PAGE 157 

The V. J. Rasmussen story was recorded by Monty Jacobs, in The Jeru- 
salem Post, M*y 3, 1950. PAGE lsB 

From the several hundred deported Jews, 466 arrived in Theresienstadt, 
where they were given preferential treatment and received many par- 
cels from Danish families of all rank beginning with the royal fam- 
ily. Fifty-two of the Danish Jews died in Theresienstadt while 
the rest, thanks to Danish diplomatic efforts, were released to Sweden 
before the end of the war. The number of Danish Jews in Sweden 
totalled 5,919 "full Jews," 1,301 "half-Jews," and 686 non-Jews married 
to Jews. After the war the Danish-Jewish refugees in Sweden ^returned 
to their country. The welcome these Jewish repatriates received was 
very moving. This warm reception was described, inter alia, by P. Ber- 
man, in Forward, May 26, 1953 and H. Valentin, in YA, vol. VIII. 
The famous Danish writer Karin Michaelis, in the U. S. since 1939, con- 
tinued her varied rescue activities for Nazi refugees, especially Jewish, 
which she had begun in Europe. She also wrote a dramatic play about 
Jewish suffering under the Nazi regime in Denmark and about their 
escape to Sweden. See; J. Zylberberg, in Tog, Dec. 9, 1950. 


Raoul Wallenberg: Hero of Budapest 

PAGES 159-167 

Although the fascinating story of Raoul Wallenberg has been recorded 
in many books and articles, there is still a great amount of mystery about 
various aspects of his daring venture. The reader wiU find additional 


details about Wallenberg's life and activities in the following books and 
articles: Rudolf Philipp, Raoul Wallenberg, Diplomat, Kaempe, Samarit 
(Swed.), Stockholm, 1946; Jeno Levai, R. Wallenberg (Hung.), Buda- 
pest, 1948; the same, BB; Lars G. Berg, Vad hande i Budapest (What 
Occurred in Budapest, Siued.), Stockholm, 1949; R. Wallace, in Reader's 
Digest, July, 1947; J. Sabille, in MJ, Nos. 26 and 27, 1950, and in Figaro 
Lhteraire, Sept. 27, 1951; H. Valentin, in YA, vol. VIII; Frederic von 
Dardel, in Aufbau, Jan. 24, 1947; Kurt Juster, in Aufbau, Jan. n, 1952; 
Alexandre Grossman, in Evidences, vol. VI, No. 45, Paris, 1955; I. 
Shmulevich, in Forward, Feb. 16, 19 and 21, 1952, and in June 26, 1955; 
H. Vital, in Forward, Jan. 19, 29, 1947; Joseph Galay, in Kanader Odler, 
Sept. 26, 1954; J. Sabille, Lueurs dans la tourmente, Paris, 1956. 


Felix Kersten and Folke Bernadotte 

PAGES 168-170 

About the Swedish and Norwegian assistance to Jews in general see: 
H. Valentin, on YA, vol. I, VIII; Nella Rost, in JE; Per Moeller and Knud 
Secher, Danske fiyktlinge i Sverige (Dan.), Copenhagen, 1945. About 
the activities of Gustav V of Sweden on behalf of the Jews, see H. 
Valentin, in MJ, No. 37, 1950; I. Trotzky, in Tog, Nov. 2, 1950. About 
the attitude of the Swedish government and population see: Kurt Wil- 
helm, Chief Rabbi of Stockholm, in Reconstructionist, Jan. 26, 1951; 
J. Sabille, in MJ, No. 26, 1949 and No. 27, 1950; Joseph Goebbels in his 
memoirs, op. cit., deplores the vigorous Swedish protests against the 
persecution of the Jews. See also: H. Vital, in Forward, Feb. 20, 1947; 
A. Zeitiin, MZ, Aug. 8, 1950. 

PAGES 169-170 

The Fight of the Norwegian Church Against Nazism, N. Y., 1943; the 
full text of the letter of protest of the Norwegian Church organizations 
against the persecution of Jews was published in the Inter-Allied Review, 
vol. II, No. 12, Dec., 1942. 

About the deportations of Norwegian Jews to Auschwitz and about the 
rescue activities in Norway, see: J. Sabille, in MJ, No. 27; N, Rost, in 
/E; H. Valentin, in YA, vol. VIII; Helen Astrup and B. L. Jacot, Oslo 

Intrigue: A Woman's Memoir of the Norwegian Resistance, N, Y., 1954. 

Odd Nansen published his diary first in Norwegian and then in an ab- 
breviated English version, From Day to Day, N. Y., 1949. Norway's 
hospitality for the sick Jewish survivors of the Nazi holocaust was de- 
scribed in many articles, such as Marian Zhyd, in Forward, May 25, 1953. 

Felix Kersten wrote two books about his dealings with Himmler in 
which he devoted much space to the Jewish problem; The Memoirs of 


Dr. Felix Kersten, Garden City, 1947, and Totenkopf und Treue. In the 
second book are many photostatic copies of his letters to Himmler and 
other Nazi personalities, Himmler's letters to him, letters of the Swedish 
section of the World Jewish Congress corroborating Kersten's story, 
etc. See also the documents published in MJ, Nos. 39 and 40, 1951. 

PAGES 172-173 

See: F. Kersten, Totenkopf und Treue; Unity in Dispersion, N. Y., 
1948; H. Valentin, in YA, vol. VIII; the interview with Hillel Storch, 
in Dos Vort (Yid.), Munich, Nov. 17, 1947. 

PAGE 174 

Folke Bernadotte recorded his negotiations with Himmler, in Slutet, 
Stockholm, 1945, published in English translation under the title The 
Curtain Falls, N. Y., 1945. Biographies of Bernadotte were published by 
Ralph Hewins, Count Folke Bernadotte: His Life and Work, Min- 
neapolis, 1950 and by Sven Svenson, Graf Bernadotte (Ger.), Basel, 1953. 

About the negotiations in Budapest between Rudolf Kasztner and Adolf 
Eichmann see notes to Chapter Six. 

PAGE 175 
Quoted from Bernadotte's, The Curtain Falls. 

Norbert Masur published his account of these negotiations in a small 
pamphlet in Swedish, En jude talar med Himmler, Stockholm, 1945, avail- 
able also in Yiddish translation in Fun noentn over, vol I. See also the 
interview with Masur by Abraham Shulman, in Forward, March 8, 1956; 
also in MJ, No. 41, 1951, and Nora Finzi, in // Mondo, Feb. 8, 1955. 

PAGES 170-179 

In his article in The Atlantic Monthly, vol. CXCI, No. 2, Feb., 1953, 
the English historian, H. R. Trevor-Roper, challenged the evaluation 
of Bernadotte's outstanding role in rescuing the Jews and emphasized 
Kersten's part in the rescue scheme. See the comments of David Flinker, 
in his article, in Tog-MZ, March 15, 1953. Against Trevor-Roper's thesis 
the Archives Department of the Swedish Foreign Office published a 
kind of a "White Paper": Kungl. Utrikesdepartementet, 194$ ars Svewka 
Hjalpexpedition till Tyskland, Stockholm, 1956, based on an investiga- 
tion of a great number of documents in the Swedish Foreign Office, 
the Swedish Embassy in Berlin, the archives of the Swedish Red Cross, 
the private archives of Count Bernadotte, interviews with the former 
Swedish ambassador to Berlin, the former Swedish foreign minister, 
Mr. Guenther and others. The Swedish "White Paper" gives a detailed 
historical background of the Swedish interventions in Germany on be- 
half of the deported Scandinavians and Jews, and attributes to Count 
Bernadotte the central role in the rescue activities. The Swedish paper 
is in general critical of Trevor-Roper's article and of Kersten's memoirs, 
asserting that he was useful but the role he attributes to himself in the 
negotiations with Himrnler is exaggerated. 


Aaudze, Berge, 154-155, 217 

Abetz, Otto, 38 

Abramovich, Dina, 186 

Adamowicz, Irena, 29, 187 

Adler, Hermann, 210 

Albertz, Martin, Pastor, 99 

American Joint Distribution 
Committee, 57 

(V) Amitte Chretienne, 52 

Amsterdam, 60-63 

Andre", Joseph, Abbe", 70-71, 

Andrzejewski, Jerzy, 118, 207- 

Anti-Semitism, 18-19, 38, 45, 
112, 114-116, 121-124, 132- 
133, 136-138, 186 

Antwerp, 40 

Apor, Vilmos, Bishop, 87 

Aragon, Louis, 47, 191 

Archutowski, Roman, Canon, 

Arciszewski, Tomasz, 210-211 

Arczynski, Marek, 120 

Armia Krajowa (AK) see Po- 
lish Home Army 

Arrow Cross party (Nyilas), 
82-90, 162-166 

"Aryan papers," 27-28, 46, 58, 
65, 113, 209-210 

Asch, Sholem, 13-14 

Athens, 18, 107 

Audenas, minister of agricul- 
ture, Lithuania, 138 

Auerbach, Rachel, 116 

Auschwitz, concentration 
camp, 80, 82, 89, 114, 127, 
163, 170, 206, 208, 218 

Baeck, Leo, 95 
Balosher of Kaunas, 140 
Baptized Jews, 85, 92-93, 99, 

105, 117, 124-125, 201 
Barale, Vincenzo, 73 
Barbara (wife of Thaddaeus), 

139, 214 

Barski, J6zef, 206 
Bartoszewski, Wladyslaw, 120 
Barata, 23 
Barzilai, Elie, 107 
Bass, Joseph-Andre", 192 
Beer, 90 

Behrend-Rosenthal, Else, 36 
Beleff, Alexander, 41 

Belgian underground, 194-195 
Belgium, 40, 68-71 
Belorussia, 141-142, 214-215 
Benedetti, Padre, see Marie- 

Beresztoczy, Nicholas, prelate, 

Bergen-Belsen, concentration 

camp, 173 

Bergson, Madame Henri, 40 
Berlin, 34-36, 93, 94-95, 99-100 
Herman, Adolf, 120 
Beraadotte, Folke, 168, 174-79, 


Bernard, Jacqueline, 49 
Bernard, junior, 49 
Bertelsen, Aage, 154, 156-158, 


Bertelsen, Gerda, 154 
Best, Werner, 150-151, 216 
Bialystok, 19, 185-186 
Bib6, Istvan, 83, 199 
Bielukas, Professor, 138 
Bienkowski, Wiktor, 120 
Bingen, Jacques, 49 
Birin, Father, 192 
Birolli, Pirzio, 75 
Bismarck, Otto von, 75 
Bloch, Marc, 48 
Bluecher, Wipert von, 143 
Blum, Le"on, 49, 191 
Bodelschwingh, Dr. Friedrich 

von, 96 

Boegner, Marc, 51 
Bonhoeffer, Dietrich, Pastor, 

92, 201 

Boraks, Edek, 26 
Boris (Goldenberg) , George, 


Boris, King of Bulgaria, 105 
Boxenius, Paul, Pastor, 156, 


Breiter, Ernil, 117 
Bremont, Father, 56 
Brinon, Madame de, 40 
Broniewski, Wladyslaw, 208 
Brussels, 40 
Brzeziny, 113, 205 
Buchko, Ivan, Archbishop, 136 
Bucholc-Bukolska, Janina, 27- 

28, 186-187 

Budapest, 80-91, 160-167 
Bulgaria, 104-105, 204 
Bunkers (hide-outs), 183-184 

Cahiers du TSmoignage Chr&~ 
tien, 52 

Calberg, E., 68 

Calvinist church, see Protes- 
tant and Reformed churches 

Caritas Catholica, 95, 125, 203 

Carlo, Vincenze, 75 

Catholic Church, 16-17, 39, 
41, 49-54, 55-59, 70-71, 74, 
81, 84-89, 91-96, 124-126, 
139-141, 191-192, 194, 197, 
200-202, 210, 212, 214 

Catholic clergy and monas- 
teries, 16-17, 26-27, 70, 74, 
88-89, 124-125, 186, 197 

Celine, Ferdinand, 44 

Cells, Louis, Abb6, 71, 195 

Chaigneau, Andre", 47 

Chaillet, Pierre, Father, 30, 
52-54, 192 

Chalkis (Greece), 108 

Chameides, Rabbi, 134-136 

Chaptal, Bishop, 39, 189 

Charue, Bishop, 70 

Children, Jewish, 16-17, 71, 
120, 188 

Christian X, King of Den- 
mark, 40-41, 149-150, 151, 
189, 216 

Ciano, Galeazzo, 75, 170 

Cie"slicki, Father, 125 

Claudel, Paul, 47, 190 

Cleevringa, R. P., 60 

Colette, 40 

Colin, Marianne, 188 

CompiSgne, concentration 
camp, 31 

Confessional Church (Bek- 
enntniskirche), 96-100 

Cornil, 68 

Council for Aid to Jews, 120- 
123, 208 

Cracow, 16-17 

Croatia, 41, 74-75 

Cyrankiewicz, J6zef, 114, 127, 

Czapik, Gyula, Archbishop, 

Czapska, Maria, 113, 205 

Czechoslovakia, 36, 101-104, 

Dachau, concentration camp, 
24, 71, 97 




Damaskinos, Theophilos, 

Archbishop, 106 
Dambrauskas, Father, 140-141, 


Damman, Jeanne, 68-69, 194 
Dannecker, Theodor, 38, 54 
Dardell, Baron, 157 
Darquier de Pellepoix, Louis, 

Death penalty for helping 

Jews, 184-185 
Debicka, Sophie, 29, 187 
Dehnstedt, Pastor, 97 
Dekanozov, Vladimir, 166 
Delay, Bishop, 51 
Demchenko, Major, 166 
Denmark, 40-41, 149-158, 216- 

Devaux, Charles, Father, 53- 

54, 192 

Dobrzanski, Witold, 209 
Donati, Angelo, 56, 192 
Drahos, Karoly, prelate, 88 
Dubois, Stanislaw, 127 
Duckwite, Georg Ferdinand 

von, 151-152, 216 
Duniec, Jadzia, 29, 187 
Dutch Socialist underground, 

Dutch underground, 64-65, 

Dworzecki, Marc, 138 

Ebert, Police Chief, 107 
Elchmann, Adolph, 38, 80, 

163, 172, 174, 198, 219 
Elnsatzgruppen, 130, 211 
Elizabeth, Dowager Queen of 

Belgium, 68, 195 
Elouard, Paul, 47, 191 
El Salvador, Republic of, 83 
Endrc, Laszlo, 84, 87 
Estonia, 141 

Fabian, B61a, SK) 

Fabry, Paul, 90 

Falkenhausen, Alexander von, 

Farrinacci, Roberto, 73 

Faulhaber, Michael, Cardinal, 
93, 201 

February strike in Amsterdam, 
61-63, 193 

Feiner, Leon, 120 

Ferenczy, Laszl<5, 84 

Filipowicz, Wanda, 119 

Filipowski, Dr., 206 

Finland, 42, 143-148, 215 

Flums, Bishop, 154 

Focherini Edosurdo, 73 

Fogelsang-Dagmar, Bishop, 153 

Forced labor battalions, Hun- 
gary, 84, 90, 199 

Formanski, Aba, 59 

Formiggini, Angelo Fortunato, 

Fosse Ardeatine, the massacre 

of, 196 
France, 37-40, 43-59, 189, 190- 


Frank, Anne, 63, 183 
Frank, Hans, 34 
Frederic, Dr., 212 
French Riviera, 55, 77 
French underground, 47-49 
Freuchen, Peter, 155-156 
Froidure, Edouard, Abbe", 71, 


Galen, Clemens von, Bishop, 

94, 201 

Gasperi, Alcide de, 59 
Gdowski, Andreas, Father, 

125-126, 210 
Geloso, Carlo, 76 
Gens, Jacob, 23 
Gergely, 90 
Gerlier, Pierre, Cardinal, 50- 

51, 192 
Germans, 34-36, 92-100, 201- 


Gildeby, Pastor, 153, 216 
Glasberg, Alexander, Abbe", 

53-54, 192 

Glicksman, Wolf, 114, 206 
Goebbels, Joseph, 36, 81, 218 
G5mbos, Gyula, 78 
Gorn-Rosenthal, see Horn- 

Grabski, Jan Wladyslaw, 117, 

Greece, 18, 76-77, 106-110, 

197, 205 
Greek Catholic Church, 133- 

Greek Orthodox Church, 30- 

32, 105-110, 187 
Greek resistance, 108-109 
Grobelny, Julian ("Trojan"), 


GrSsz, Jozsef, 88 
Gruber, Mietek, 128-129 
Grueber, Heinrich, Pastor, 

99, 202 

Grynszpan, Hil, 128-129, 211 
Guenther, Christian, 171, 177 
Guenther, Rolf, 151 
Gustav V, King of Sweden, 

81, 168, 218 

Halutzim, 65-67, 149 
Hamvas, Endre, Bishop, 88 
Hanning, Miss, 89 
Hansen, H. C., 152 
Hashomer Hatiair, 27 
Hedtoft, Hans Christian, 152 
Hegyeshalom, 87, 88 
Henriques, C B., 152, 216 
Herinckx, Jean, 168 

Heydrich, Reinhard, 102 
Hiding Jews, 15-18, 47-48, 

108, 110, 113, 120-121, 183- 

184, 207 
BQmmler, Heinrich, 38, 134- 

135, 144-148, 170-179, 215, 


Hirszfeld, Ludwik, 117 
Hitler, Adolf, 80 
Hoess, Rudolf, 163 
Hofman, Gestapo officer, 31 
Holland, 40, 60-67, 117, 193- 


Hordijk, Leendert, 63, 193 
Horn-Rosenthal, Eve, 116-117, 

Horthy, Nicholas, 78, 79, 80, 

81, 82, 162, 198 
Huber, Max, 173 
Humnicki, Stefan, 117, 207 
Hungary, 41, 78-91, 159-167, 

174, 197-200 

Igmandy-Hegyessi, General, 84, 


Interlandi, Telesio, 72, 73 
Israel, State of, 25, 67, 71, 85, 

95, 100, 196 
Italy, 41, 56-59, 72-77, 106, 


Jacobson, Wolf, 150 

Jakubowski, Antoni, 185 

Jan, von, Pastor, 98 

Jankauskas, Julian, 138-139, 

Jekely, Lszl6, 90 

Jesuits, 89 

Jewish badge, 31, 33-42, 85, 
102, 151, 188-190 

Jewish Defense Committee, 
Belgium, 68-70 

Jewish Fighters* Organization, 
Bialystok, 122, 206 

Jewish Fighters' Organization, 
Vilna, 26-27 

Jewish Fighters* Organization, 
Warsaw, 29, 120-124, 208- 
209, 211 

Jewish parachutists in Yugo- 
slavia, 204 

Jewish partisans, Poland, 128- 

Jewish underground, Bel- 
gium, 70 

Jewish underground organiza- 
tion, Brody, 213 

Jewish underground in Hun- 
gary, 88-89, 90 

Jewish underground in Tre- 
blinka, 103-104 

Jews in the French resistance 
movement, 48-49 

Jews in the Italian resistance 
movement, 196 



Joachim, Metropolitan, 110 
Johnson, Herschel, 159 
Jonas, Father, 140 
Josepha (Pol. housemaid), 207 
Josephine, Mother Superior, 


Josephine, Sister, 187 
J6zefelc, 18, 184-185 
Juhasz, William, 89, 200 

Kabeli, Itzhak, 109-110 
Kaczmanowski, Wlodzimierz, 


Kahane, David, 134-136, 212 
Kallay, Nicholas, 79, 80, 198 
Kalmanovitch, Zelig, 139 
Kaltenbrunner, Ernst, 172 
Kasche, Siegfried, 75 
Kascherstein, Aaron, 59 
Kasztner, Rudolf, 198, 219 
Kelemen, Krizosztom, Abbot, 


Keme'nyi, Baroness Gabor, 163 
Kersten, Felix, 144-148, 170- 

179, 215, 218-219 
Kicinski, Karol, 19, 186 
Kivimaeki, Toivo Mikael, 145, 


Klebanow, Grigori, Father, 214 
Kleiner, Julius, 117 
Klimatis, 136-137, 139 
Knochen, Helmuth, 38, 45 
Knout, David, 48 
Koch, Erich, 132 
Koehler, Father, 88, 200 
KoUontai, Alexandra, 166 
Komoly, Otto, 162 
Korbonski, Stefan, 119 
Kossak-Szczucka, Sophia, 119, 


Kostelnik, Gabriel, 134 
Kot, Kazimierz Andrzej, 128 
Kotnik, Cyril, 204 
Kovcs, Sandor, Bishop, 88 
Kovner, Abba, 26-27 
Kowalski, Andrzej, 19, 186 
Kowalski, Franciszek, 115, 


Koziolkiewicz, 115 
Krenzbach, Stella, 213 
Krupovitchius, Father, 140 
Kubowitzki, Leo, 173 
Kun, Baa, 78 

Lachowicz, Dr., 16-17, 184 

Lakatos, Geza, 82 

Langnet, Waldemar, 160 

Lanzkron, John, 194 

Laterner, Rena, 29-30, 187 

Latvia, 141 

Lauer, Koloman, 159 

Lazar, Charles, 90 

Lazarist Fathers, 88 

Lee, Miss, 89 

Levy (Lenoir), Jean-Pierre, 49 

Lewin (Levin), Itzhak, (Kurt), 

134-136, 212 
Lewin, Yehezkiel, 134 
Leyden University, 60 
Lichten, Joseph, 194 
Lichtenberg, Bernard, Father, 


Lipnianus, Father, 140 
Lithuanian underground, 137- 

138, 214 
Lithuania, 21-25, 136-141, 186, 

Logothetopoulos, Greek prime 

minister, 106 

Lospinoso, Guido, 56, 192 
Luckner, Gertrude, 95, 202 
Lukashenia, Vladimir, 142, 

Lundsrecht hdksharah farm, 

Lutherans, see Protestant 


Luzzatti, Luigi, 72 
Lw6w, 16, 18, 124-125 

Maas, Brigitte, 100 

Maas, Hermann, Pastor, 99- 

100, 102, 202 
Machol, SS officer, 142, 215 
Mackensen, Georg von, 75 
Madonna statue, Boston, 197 
Majdanek, concentration camp, 


Major, Robert, 83, 199 
MaHnovsky, Marshal, 166 
Malraux, Andr6, 47 
Manuel, Colonel, 48 
Marco, Mario di, 59, 73, 196 
Marcy, Jacques, 51-52, 192 
Marie-B6noit, AbW (Padre 

Benedetti), 55-59, 192, 196, 


Mario, Padre, 73 
Maritain, Jacques, 47, 190 
Marseilles, 55-56 
Masaryk, Jan, 203 
Masaryk, Madame, 103 
Masaryk, Rudolf, 103-104, 203 
Masaryk, Thomas, 103 
Maslak, O, W., 117-118, 207 
Masselino, Mario, 197 
Masur, Norbert, 159, 177-178, 

Mauriac, Francois, 47, 190- 


Maurras, Charles, 44 
Mauthausen, concentration 

camp, 62, 63, 178 
Mayer, Daniel, 49, 191 
Meijers, E. M,, 60 
Meiser, Hans, Bishop, 98 
Melchior, Marcus, 150, 153- 


Mendds-France, Pierre, 49, 191 
Meszlenyi, Zoltan, Bishop, 88 

Michaelis, Karin, 217 
Mihalovics, Zsigmond, Bishop, 


Mikes, Janos, Bishop, 88 
Mikulska, Maria, 138 
Miller, Alfred, 85, 200 
Milosz, Czeslaw, 205-206 
Mindszenty, Joseph, Cardinal, 

199, 200 

Minerbi, Arrigo, 197 
Mischlinge, 36-37, 93 
Mitrani, Denise, 48 
Mixed marriages, 36, 93, 103, 


Moch, Maurice, 192 
Moeller, Per, 156 
Molho, Michael, Rabbi, 106, 

Moltke, Helmuth von, 157, 


Monaco, 197 
Morgen, Herbert, 33 
Mosdorf, Jan, 114, 206 
Mother Maria (Elizabeth 

Skobtzoff), 30-32, 187 
Mother Superior, of Vilna, 

26-27, 186 

Moussaron, Bishop, 51 
Movshowitch, Professor, 138, 


Mueller, Ludwig, Bishop, 96 
Mulienaere, Jeanne de, 69, 

Mussolini, Benito, 72-73, 75- 

76, 195 
Musy, Jean-Marie, 174 

Nagy, Vilmos (William), 90, 


Nansen, Fridtjof, 169 
Nansen, Odd, 169, 218 
Nardis, Mario di, 73, 196 
Nathan, Ernesto, 72 
National Democratic Party 

(Poland), 115 
Nazi rewards for denouncing 

Jews, 18, 184 
Negroes, 37-38, 189 
Nehama, Joseph* 108 
Nekrashovna, Anna, 138 
Nemes, Vazul, 84 
Neumann, Oskar, 204 
Nevejean, Yvonne, 69 
Nice, 47, 55 
Niemoeller, Martin, Pastor, 

96-97, 100, 202 
Norway, 169-170 
Nowacasynski, Adolf, 114, 206 
Nowodworskl, 114 
NSZ ("National Armed 

Forces") in Poland, 124, 209 
Nyllas, $@ Arrow Cross party 

Obler, Gusia, 16, 184 
Olsen, Ivar, ., 139 



ONR ("Camp of National Ramsay, Henrik, 148 Schroeder, William, 90 

Radicals")? ia Poland, 112, Rangell, Finnish prime min- Schwamm, Steven, 59 

114, 115 ister, 146 Schwarz, Joseph, 185 

Orzeszkowa, Eliza, 21 Rasmussen, Viggo J., 157, 217 Sciaky, Albert, see Vernet, 

Ottolenghi, Giuseppe, 72 Ravasz, Laszl6, Bishop, 85, 86 Francois 

Otwinowski, Stefan, 118, 208 Ravensbrueck, concentration Scottish Mission in Budapest, 

Ozork6w (Poland), 33-34, 188 camp, 31-32, 95, 178-179 89, 200 

Red Cross, 68, 89, 160-161, Sempolowska, Stefania, 29, 187 

Palatucci, Giovanni, 73, 196 162-166, 173, 198 Sendlak, Stefan, 121 

Palestinian parachutists, 104 Reder, Eggert, 38 Sere"di, Justin, Cardinal, 85, 

Paris, 30-32, 39-40 Rek, Tadeusz, 120 86 

Partoff, Bulgarian minister of Remond, Bishop, 57 Shapiro, Vera, 69 

justice, 41 Repetto, Francesco, 73 Sheptytsky, see Szeptycki 

Pat, Jacob, 186 Ribbentrop, Joachim von, 56, Shvoy, Lajos, prelate, 88 

Patzay, Paul, 165 75, 150 Simaite, Ana (Anna), 21-25, 

Paulsbund, 99 Riegner, Gerhardt, 173 138, 186 

Peasants, 116-118, 139, 185, Riga, 141 Simon, Adina, 65 

213 Ringelblum, Emanuel, 15-16, Simon, Joachim ("Shushu"), 

feres de Notre Dame de Ston, 22, 35, 37, 111-112, 114-115, 65-66, 194 

53-54 116, 125, 186, 205 Sivak, Joseph, 204 

Perlmann, Professor, 68 Ripka, Hubert, 36, 189 Skobtzoff, D. E., 30, 187 

Pessah, Moshe, 110 Riviere, ("Rambert" or "Ron- Skobtzoff, Elizabeth, see 

Petain, Henri, Marshall, 43, sard"), 48 Mother Maria 

51 Roatta, General, 75 Skobtzoff, Yuri, 30-31 
Pianoff, Theodor T., 187 Robotti, General, 75 Skotnicki, Mieczyslaw, 129, 
Piasecki, Stanislaw, 114, 206 Roethke, Heinz, 45, 77 211 
Pieche, Giuseppe, 75 Roey, Joseph-Ernest van, Car- Slachta, Margit, 88 
Pilenko, Sophie, 187 dinal, 71, 195 Slovakia, 204 
Pinkhoff, Menahem, 66 Rolland, Romain, 47, 191 Smallholders Party, in Hun- 
Pius XXI, Pope, 57, 81 Romainville, concentration gary, 90 
Platteau, 68 camp, 31 Soederblom, Stephan, 166 
Plawczynska, Janina, 29-30, Romania, 41-42 Spain, 81, 83 

187 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 81 Stahlecker, Franz, 136-137, 141 

Pluskowski, 127, 211 Rotta, Angelo, Papal Nuncio, Stein, Meir, "the Eagle/* 16, 

Poland, 16-19, 26-30, 33-34, 81, 83, 86, 87, 200 184 

36-37, 111-129, 186-188, 205- Rousset, David, 47, 191 Stepinac, Alois, Archbishop, 

211 Rowecld, Stefan, ("Grot"), 41, 189 

Poliakov, Won, 47, 49 123 Stieff, Helmuth, 35, 188 

Polish Communist Party, 128, RPZ, see Council for Aid to Stokauskas, Joseph, 138, 214 

211 Jews Stopnicki, Jozef, 210 

Polish Home Army, 115, 122, Rubinlicht, Francisca, 18-19, Storch, Hillel, 173, 177 

124, 206, 209 186 Stroop, Juergen, 108 

Polish Socialist Party, 29, 37, Rudnicki, Witold, 115, 206 Studite Fathers, 134-136 

112, 120, 127-128, 210-211 Runge, 127 Suhard, Cardinal, 51 

Polish underground, 115, 118- Rutkauskas, 139, 214 Sutzkever, Abraham, 26, 207 

124, 208 Ryti, Risto, 145 Sweden, 81, 83, 152-157, 159- 

Portugal, 81, 83 170, 216-219 

Pozdech, Augustin, Father, 204 Sachsenhausen, concentration Swiss legation, in Budapest, 

Preysing, Conrad von, Car- camp, 97, 169 198 

dinal, 94, 201-202 Saint-Exupery, Antoine de, 47 Switzerland, 81, 83 

Preziosi, Giovanni, 72 St. Vincent, General de, 46 Sylten, Werner, Pastor, 99 

Prins, E. Willy, 194, Sala, Giuseppe, 73, 197 Szalasi, Ferencz, 82, 162-166, 

Procope (Prokope), Hjalmar, Saliege, Jules-Gerard, Arch- 199 

143 bishop, 50, 52, 191 Szasz, Hungarian consul in 

Protestant Church, 51, 54-55, Salkhaz, Sarah, 88 Rome, 199 

60, 85-87, 89, 92, 95-100, Salonika, 76-77, 106 Szeinbaum fighters' group, 

153-154, 192, 194, 200, 201- Salvador, see El Salvador Vilna, 29 

202, 218 Salvi, Carlo, 73 Szeliga, Rytel Jan, 128 

Przewlocka, Elizabeth, 188 Salvotti, Baron de, 72 Szeptycki, Andreas, Metro- 

Sandler6wna, Irena, 120, 188 politan, 133-136, 212 

Rabin, Allen, B., 64 Sarnecki, Tadeusz, 208 Szeptycki, Clement, Abbot, 135 

Radermacher, Joseph, 35 Sartre, Jean-Paul, 47, 191 Szpilman, Wladyslaw, 117 

Rafad$ver<tin f 99 Scavenius, Eric, 150-157 Sztoyay, D6me, 80, 86 

Raile, Jacob, Father, 89 Schilling, Janos, 84 Szyfman, Arnold, 207 
Rarais, Bishop, 140, 214 Schmidthueber, General, 165 Szyk, Arthur, 207 

22 4 

Szyk, Eugenie, 207 
Szymek, 128, 211 

Tarnopol, 17-18, 184 
Tayar, 48 

Tchernishev, General, 166 
Temczyn CTemchin), Michael, 


Tenenbaum, Mordecai, 206 
Terezin, set Theresienstadt 
Thaddaeus (Lith. peasant), 

139, 214 

Tharaud brothers, 44 
Th6as, Pierre-Marie, Bishop, 

50, 191 
Theresienstadt, 102, 158, 172- 

178, 203, 217 
Tito's partisans, 104, 204 
Treblinka, concentration camp, 

103-104, 126, 203 
Trevor-Roper, H. R., 179, 219 
Tunisia, 77 

Turkow, Jonas, 117, 207 
Tylbor, Stanislaw, 117 

UGIF (Union Generate des 

Israelites en France), 56 
Uhl, Anthony, 199 
tf jvdry, S&ndor, 87, 200 
tfjvidflc (Novy Sad), 79 
Ukrainians, 1748, 130-136, 

185, 211-213 
Ukrainian underground, 213 


Union of Baptized Jews, in 
Hungary, 86 

U. S. Government's inter- 
cession in Hungary, 81, 198 

Urbauowicz, Father, 126 

Vaitchkus, Father, 140, 214 
Vallat, Xavier, 38, 43 
Vatican, 57-58, 96, 212 
Vercors, 191 
Vergara, Madame, 54 
Vergara, Pastor, 54-55, 192 
Vernet, Francois, 48-49 
Vichy government, France, 38 
Vilna, 22-27, 29, 122, 125-126, 


Vira*g, Ferenc, Bishop, 88 
Visliczeny, Dieter, 80, 107- 

108, 198 

Vitale, Adotfo Massimo, 195 
Volo (Greece), 110, 205 
Vught, concentration camp, 


Wachsman, Tania, 25 
Wallenberg, Raoul, 83, 159- 

168, 217-218 
Warsaw, 15-16, 27-28, 115- 

128, 137, 208 
Weinberg, Jacques, 70 
Weissmueller, Madame, 193 
WeltHnger, Siegmund, 35 
Westerville, Joop, 65-67, 71, 


Westerville, Wilhelmina, 67 

Widerkowski ("Grab") 128, 

Wuner, Arie, 26 

Witaszewicz, Aleksander, 115, 

Witting, Wolf Juhan, 145446, 

Wojciechowski, Polish presi- 
dent, 117 

Wojenska, Czeslawa, 120 

Wolffenstein, Valerie, 97, 202 

Wolski, 16 

World Jewish Congress, 159, /' 
173477, 219 

Wortman, 188 

Writers, 114, 118, 208 

Wuensch, Grete, 95 

Wurm, Theophil, Bishop, 98- 
99, 202 

Yefroykui (Efroykin), Israel 

Yugoslav underground, 106 

ZabinskJ, Jan, 28 
Zaderecki, Tadeusz, 118 
Zante (Greece), 109 
Zawiejski, Jerzy, 118 
Zdanowski, Antoni, 127 
Zelwerowicz, Alexander, 112* 

113, 205 

Zelwerowicz, Lena, 112, 210 
Zhemaitis, 138 
Zichy, Gyula, Bishop, 88